This article examines the relationship between physical space and cultural identity in three Mizrahi theater companies in Israel: the Frechot Ensemble, the Shachar Theatre, and the Dimona Theatre. Drawing on the concepts of ‘house’ and ‘home’, where house denotes the physical theater building and home signifies belonging and community, it explores how these companies negotiate the tension between permanent and temporary performance spaces. Because Mizrahi theater foregrounds ethnic identity and historical narratives often marginalized within mainstream Israeli theater, the presence—or absence—of a permanent venue plays a crucial role in shaping artistic identity and audience engagement. Focusing on companies that operate outside the mainstream and frequently lack the resources to maintain permanent facilities, the article investigates how they cultivate a sense of home within their local communities. It argues that theatrical space is not merely a physical setting but an active component in constructing cultural identity, community belonging, and the social mission of Mizrahi theater.

This article examines the relationship between physical space and cultural identity in three Mizrahi theater companies in Israel: the Frechot Ensemble, the Shachar Theatre, and the Dimona Theatre. Drawing on the concepts of ‘house’ and ‘home’, where house denotes the physical theater building and home signifies belonging and community, it explores how these companies negotiate the tension between permanent and temporary performance spaces. Because Mizrahi theater foregrounds ethnic identity and historical narratives often marginalized within mainstream Israeli theater, the presence—or absence—of a permanent venue plays a crucial role in shaping artistic identity and audience engagement. Focusing on companies that operate outside the mainstream and frequently lack the resources to maintain permanent facilities, the article investigates how they cultivate a sense of home within their local communities. It argues that theatrical space is not merely a physical setting but an active component in constructing cultural identity, community belonging, and the social mission of Mizrahi theater.

Theatrical events in “adaptive reused buildings” reflect Haifa's history as a “wounded city” and enact a performative return, creating a dual presence of Palestinian urbanism: the ghostly presence of historical victims uprooted from the city and the contemporary community's presence. This article explores three Palestinian theaters in Haifa as case studies: Stage 2 in Wadi Salib, embracing a return to Arabic as a performance language; Al-Midan, representing a civil right to state budgets and thus a return to the city; and Khashabi, an independent theater reclaiming the city and asserting the right to difference for a minority group. This article expands urban performance studies by focusing on the Palestinian minority's theater in Haifa, suggesting that the “performative return” produces knowledge about the ongoing urban wounds and healing processes.

This article examines the relationship between physical space and cultural identity in three Mizrahi theater companies in Israel: the Frechot Ensemble, the Shachar Theatre, and the Dimona Theatre. Drawing on the concepts of ‘house’ and ‘home’, where house denotes the physical theater building and home signifies belonging and community, it explores how these companies negotiate the tension between permanent and temporary performance spaces. Because Mizrahi theater foregrounds ethnic identity and historical narratives often marginalized within mainstream Israeli theater, the presence—or absence—of a permanent venue plays a crucial role in shaping artistic identity and audience engagement. Focusing on companies that operate outside the mainstream and frequently lack the resources to maintain permanent facilities, the article investigates how they cultivate a sense of home within their local communities. It argues that theatrical space is not merely a physical setting but an active component in constructing cultural identity, community belonging, and the social mission of Mizrahi theater.

Theatrical events in “adaptive reused buildings” reflect Haifa's history as a “wounded city” and enact a performative return, creating a dual presence of Palestinian urbanism: the ghostly presence of historical victims uprooted from the city and the contemporary community's presence. This article explores three Palestinian theaters in Haifa as case studies: Stage 2 in Wadi Salib, embracing a return to Arabic as a performance language; Al-Midan, representing a civil right to state budgets and thus a return to the city; and Khashabi, an independent theater reclaiming the city and asserting the right to difference for a minority group. This article expands urban performance studies by focusing on the Palestinian minority's theater in Haifa, suggesting that the “performative return” produces knowledge about the ongoing urban wounds and healing processes.

This article argues that since 1949, when Israel declared Jerusalem its capital, this city can best be described as belonging to three overlapping categories―postcolonial cities, divided cities, and capital cities of at least one sovereign state or region―making it a Postcolonial Divided Capital City (PDCC). The article posits that the three main attributes of PDCCs and the interplay among them shape these cities’ political, social, economic, and cultural realms, and that this impact can be discerned in their symbolic landscape and specifically in their toponyms (place-names). The article first discusses the main attributes of PDCCs, their interplay, and their impact. Subsequently, using the illustrative case of Jerusalem, it demonstrates how change and continuity in its characteristics as a PDCC have shaped its symbolic landscape in different periods of its history, with an emphasis on toponyms.

This article examines the relationship between physical space and cultural identity in three Mizrahi theater companies in Israel: the Frechot Ensemble, the Shachar Theatre, and the Dimona Theatre. Drawing on the concepts of ‘house’ and ‘home’, where house denotes the physical theater building and home signifies belonging and community, it explores how these companies negotiate the tension between permanent and temporary performance spaces. Because Mizrahi theater foregrounds ethnic identity and historical narratives often marginalized within mainstream Israeli theater, the presence—or absence—of a permanent venue plays a crucial role in shaping artistic identity and audience engagement. Focusing on companies that operate outside the mainstream and frequently lack the resources to maintain permanent facilities, the article investigates how they cultivate a sense of home within their local communities. It argues that theatrical space is not merely a physical setting but an active component in constructing cultural identity, community belonging, and the social mission of Mizrahi theater.

Theatrical events in “adaptive reused buildings” reflect Haifa's history as a “wounded city” and enact a performative return, creating a dual presence of Palestinian urbanism: the ghostly presence of historical victims uprooted from the city and the contemporary community's presence. This article explores three Palestinian theaters in Haifa as case studies: Stage 2 in Wadi Salib, embracing a return to Arabic as a performance language; Al-Midan, representing a civil right to state budgets and thus a return to the city; and Khashabi, an independent theater reclaiming the city and asserting the right to difference for a minority group. This article expands urban performance studies by focusing on the Palestinian minority's theater in Haifa, suggesting that the “performative return” produces knowledge about the ongoing urban wounds and healing processes.

This article argues that since 1949, when Israel declared Jerusalem its capital, this city can best be described as belonging to three overlapping categories―postcolonial cities, divided cities, and capital cities of at least one sovereign state or region―making it a Postcolonial Divided Capital City (PDCC). The article posits that the three main attributes of PDCCs and the interplay among them shape these cities’ political, social, economic, and cultural realms, and that this impact can be discerned in their symbolic landscape and specifically in their toponyms (place-names). The article first discusses the main attributes of PDCCs, their interplay, and their impact. Subsequently, using the illustrative case of Jerusalem, it demonstrates how change and continuity in its characteristics as a PDCC have shaped its symbolic landscape in different periods of its history, with an emphasis on toponyms.

On 15 May 1948, Menachem Begin, commander of the Irgun paramilitary organization, emerged from hiding to deliver a radio address to his followers and the new nation of Israel. In the speech, Begin not only advanced his movement's short-term political aims but also articulated his political credo and vision. Begin's Independence Radio Address is a landmark of Israeli political rhetoric; in it, Begin articulated founding principles for the Jewish state. This article presents a close reading of Begin's speech. Emphasizing aspects that testify to Begin's unique Revisionist Zionist perspective, this article argues that the political theory in the speech strongly overlaps with the political theory expressed by mainstream Zionist leaders in 1948, especially in the Declaration of Independence. The analysis points toward consensus on principles at the time of Israel's founding, which was a significant reason for the durability of the state despite rancorous partisan divisions in the early years.

This article examines the relationship between physical space and cultural identity in three Mizrahi theater companies in Israel: the Frechot Ensemble, the Shachar Theatre, and the Dimona Theatre. Drawing on the concepts of ‘house’ and ‘home’, where house denotes the physical theater building and home signifies belonging and community, it explores how these companies negotiate the tension between permanent and temporary performance spaces. Because Mizrahi theater foregrounds ethnic identity and historical narratives often marginalized within mainstream Israeli theater, the presence—or absence—of a permanent venue plays a crucial role in shaping artistic identity and audience engagement. Focusing on companies that operate outside the mainstream and frequently lack the resources to maintain permanent facilities, the article investigates how they cultivate a sense of home within their local communities. It argues that theatrical space is not merely a physical setting but an active component in constructing cultural identity, community belonging, and the social mission of Mizrahi theater.

Theatrical events in “adaptive reused buildings” reflect Haifa's history as a “wounded city” and enact a performative return, creating a dual presence of Palestinian urbanism: the ghostly presence of historical victims uprooted from the city and the contemporary community's presence. This article explores three Palestinian theaters in Haifa as case studies: Stage 2 in Wadi Salib, embracing a return to Arabic as a performance language; Al-Midan, representing a civil right to state budgets and thus a return to the city; and Khashabi, an independent theater reclaiming the city and asserting the right to difference for a minority group. This article expands urban performance studies by focusing on the Palestinian minority's theater in Haifa, suggesting that the “performative return” produces knowledge about the ongoing urban wounds and healing processes.

This article argues that since 1949, when Israel declared Jerusalem its capital, this city can best be described as belonging to three overlapping categories―postcolonial cities, divided cities, and capital cities of at least one sovereign state or region―making it a Postcolonial Divided Capital City (PDCC). The article posits that the three main attributes of PDCCs and the interplay among them shape these cities’ political, social, economic, and cultural realms, and that this impact can be discerned in their symbolic landscape and specifically in their toponyms (place-names). The article first discusses the main attributes of PDCCs, their interplay, and their impact. Subsequently, using the illustrative case of Jerusalem, it demonstrates how change and continuity in its characteristics as a PDCC have shaped its symbolic landscape in different periods of its history, with an emphasis on toponyms.

On 15 May 1948, Menachem Begin, commander of the Irgun paramilitary organization, emerged from hiding to deliver a radio address to his followers and the new nation of Israel. In the speech, Begin not only advanced his movement's short-term political aims but also articulated his political credo and vision. Begin's Independence Radio Address is a landmark of Israeli political rhetoric; in it, Begin articulated founding principles for the Jewish state. This article presents a close reading of Begin's speech. Emphasizing aspects that testify to Begin's unique Revisionist Zionist perspective, this article argues that the political theory in the speech strongly overlaps with the political theory expressed by mainstream Zionist leaders in 1948, especially in the Declaration of Independence. The analysis points toward consensus on principles at the time of Israel's founding, which was a significant reason for the durability of the state despite rancorous partisan divisions in the early years.

This article surveys the coverage surrounding the formation of Israel in African American newspapers, published between the passage of United Nations Resolution 181 and the end of the 1948 War. It argues that, instead of embracing a pro-Arab or pro-Israel standpoint, the Black press framed news from Palestine around topics or ideas its readers could identify with. Black editors highlighted the role of Ralph Bunche, the Black American who served as the chief UN Mediator in Palestine. They also drew specific lessons from the Jewish struggle, the Arabs’ alliance, and UN partition deliberations that could be applied to the condition of Black Americans. Whether they supported or criticized Zionism, Black journalists consistently shifted the conversation back to the United States and to themselves.

This article examines the relationship between physical space and cultural identity in three Mizrahi theater companies in Israel: the Frechot Ensemble, the Shachar Theatre, and the Dimona Theatre. Drawing on the concepts of ‘house’ and ‘home’, where house denotes the physical theater building and home signifies belonging and community, it explores how these companies negotiate the tension between permanent and temporary performance spaces. Because Mizrahi theater foregrounds ethnic identity and historical narratives often marginalized within mainstream Israeli theater, the presence—or absence—of a permanent venue plays a crucial role in shaping artistic identity and audience engagement. Focusing on companies that operate outside the mainstream and frequently lack the resources to maintain permanent facilities, the article investigates how they cultivate a sense of home within their local communities. It argues that theatrical space is not merely a physical setting but an active component in constructing cultural identity, community belonging, and the social mission of Mizrahi theater.

Theatrical events in “adaptive reused buildings” reflect Haifa's history as a “wounded city” and enact a performative return, creating a dual presence of Palestinian urbanism: the ghostly presence of historical victims uprooted from the city and the contemporary community's presence. This article explores three Palestinian theaters in Haifa as case studies: Stage 2 in Wadi Salib, embracing a return to Arabic as a performance language; Al-Midan, representing a civil right to state budgets and thus a return to the city; and Khashabi, an independent theater reclaiming the city and asserting the right to difference for a minority group. This article expands urban performance studies by focusing on the Palestinian minority's theater in Haifa, suggesting that the “performative return” produces knowledge about the ongoing urban wounds and healing processes.

This article argues that since 1949, when Israel declared Jerusalem its capital, this city can best be described as belonging to three overlapping categories―postcolonial cities, divided cities, and capital cities of at least one sovereign state or region―making it a Postcolonial Divided Capital City (PDCC). The article posits that the three main attributes of PDCCs and the interplay among them shape these cities’ political, social, economic, and cultural realms, and that this impact can be discerned in their symbolic landscape and specifically in their toponyms (place-names). The article first discusses the main attributes of PDCCs, their interplay, and their impact. Subsequently, using the illustrative case of Jerusalem, it demonstrates how change and continuity in its characteristics as a PDCC have shaped its symbolic landscape in different periods of its history, with an emphasis on toponyms.

On 15 May 1948, Menachem Begin, commander of the Irgun paramilitary organization, emerged from hiding to deliver a radio address to his followers and the new nation of Israel. In the speech, Begin not only advanced his movement's short-term political aims but also articulated his political credo and vision. Begin's Independence Radio Address is a landmark of Israeli political rhetoric; in it, Begin articulated founding principles for the Jewish state. This article presents a close reading of Begin's speech. Emphasizing aspects that testify to Begin's unique Revisionist Zionist perspective, this article argues that the political theory in the speech strongly overlaps with the political theory expressed by mainstream Zionist leaders in 1948, especially in the Declaration of Independence. The analysis points toward consensus on principles at the time of Israel's founding, which was a significant reason for the durability of the state despite rancorous partisan divisions in the early years.

This article surveys the coverage surrounding the formation of Israel in African American newspapers, published between the passage of United Nations Resolution 181 and the end of the 1948 War. It argues that, instead of embracing a pro-Arab or pro-Israel standpoint, the Black press framed news from Palestine around topics or ideas its readers could identify with. Black editors highlighted the role of Ralph Bunche, the Black American who served as the chief UN Mediator in Palestine. They also drew specific lessons from the Jewish struggle, the Arabs’ alliance, and UN partition deliberations that could be applied to the condition of Black Americans. Whether they supported or criticized Zionism, Black journalists consistently shifted the conversation back to the United States and to themselves.

This article proposes a novel paradigm for primaries for party lists for general elections termed “Team Voting.” Team Voting synthesizes two paradigms typically adopted by political parties in Israel and in other countries using party-list proportional systems: (1) a nomination committee and (2) primaries by voting for individual candidates. This article will outline expectations for this new multiwinner election paradigm vis-à-vis the existing paradigms’ limitations and shortcomings as described in previous research, in particular with respect to the current challenges facing political systems in liberal democracies in general and especially in Israel. A simple model is provided, suggesting Team Voting fosters the election of a diverse list when the selectorate generally favors diversity and pluralism, and a polarized list when the selectorate is generally divisive.

This article examines the relationship between physical space and cultural identity in three Mizrahi theater companies in Israel: the Frechot Ensemble, the Shachar Theatre, and the Dimona Theatre. Drawing on the concepts of ‘house’ and ‘home’, where house denotes the physical theater building and home signifies belonging and community, it explores how these companies negotiate the tension between permanent and temporary performance spaces. Because Mizrahi theater foregrounds ethnic identity and historical narratives often marginalized within mainstream Israeli theater, the presence—or absence—of a permanent venue plays a crucial role in shaping artistic identity and audience engagement. Focusing on companies that operate outside the mainstream and frequently lack the resources to maintain permanent facilities, the article investigates how they cultivate a sense of home within their local communities. It argues that theatrical space is not merely a physical setting but an active component in constructing cultural identity, community belonging, and the social mission of Mizrahi theater.

Theatrical events in “adaptive reused buildings” reflect Haifa's history as a “wounded city” and enact a performative return, creating a dual presence of Palestinian urbanism: the ghostly presence of historical victims uprooted from the city and the contemporary community's presence. This article explores three Palestinian theaters in Haifa as case studies: Stage 2 in Wadi Salib, embracing a return to Arabic as a performance language; Al-Midan, representing a civil right to state budgets and thus a return to the city; and Khashabi, an independent theater reclaiming the city and asserting the right to difference for a minority group. This article expands urban performance studies by focusing on the Palestinian minority's theater in Haifa, suggesting that the “performative return” produces knowledge about the ongoing urban wounds and healing processes.

This article argues that since 1949, when Israel declared Jerusalem its capital, this city can best be described as belonging to three overlapping categories―postcolonial cities, divided cities, and capital cities of at least one sovereign state or region―making it a Postcolonial Divided Capital City (PDCC). The article posits that the three main attributes of PDCCs and the interplay among them shape these cities’ political, social, economic, and cultural realms, and that this impact can be discerned in their symbolic landscape and specifically in their toponyms (place-names). The article first discusses the main attributes of PDCCs, their interplay, and their impact. Subsequently, using the illustrative case of Jerusalem, it demonstrates how change and continuity in its characteristics as a PDCC have shaped its symbolic landscape in different periods of its history, with an emphasis on toponyms.

On 15 May 1948, Menachem Begin, commander of the Irgun paramilitary organization, emerged from hiding to deliver a radio address to his followers and the new nation of Israel. In the speech, Begin not only advanced his movement's short-term political aims but also articulated his political credo and vision. Begin's Independence Radio Address is a landmark of Israeli political rhetoric; in it, Begin articulated founding principles for the Jewish state. This article presents a close reading of Begin's speech. Emphasizing aspects that testify to Begin's unique Revisionist Zionist perspective, this article argues that the political theory in the speech strongly overlaps with the political theory expressed by mainstream Zionist leaders in 1948, especially in the Declaration of Independence. The analysis points toward consensus on principles at the time of Israel's founding, which was a significant reason for the durability of the state despite rancorous partisan divisions in the early years.

This article surveys the coverage surrounding the formation of Israel in African American newspapers, published between the passage of United Nations Resolution 181 and the end of the 1948 War. It argues that, instead of embracing a pro-Arab or pro-Israel standpoint, the Black press framed news from Palestine around topics or ideas its readers could identify with. Black editors highlighted the role of Ralph Bunche, the Black American who served as the chief UN Mediator in Palestine. They also drew specific lessons from the Jewish struggle, the Arabs’ alliance, and UN partition deliberations that could be applied to the condition of Black Americans. Whether they supported or criticized Zionism, Black journalists consistently shifted the conversation back to the United States and to themselves.

This article proposes a novel paradigm for primaries for party lists for general elections termed “Team Voting.” Team Voting synthesizes two paradigms typically adopted by political parties in Israel and in other countries using party-list proportional systems: (1) a nomination committee and (2) primaries by voting for individual candidates. This article will outline expectations for this new multiwinner election paradigm vis-à-vis the existing paradigms’ limitations and shortcomings as described in previous research, in particular with respect to the current challenges facing political systems in liberal democracies in general and especially in Israel. A simple model is provided, suggesting Team Voting fosters the election of a diverse list when the selectorate generally favors diversity and pluralism, and a polarized list when the selectorate is generally divisive.

GAL, NOAM, The Movers: Israeli Art in the Third Millennium (Toronto: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2025), 192 pp., $44.95.

The profound transformation of the hityashvut ovedet (Labor Settlement) movement following the privatization processes of the late twentieth century has been extensively addressed in the literature. Most research has focused on the movement's organizational dimension, examining which practices the settlement continues to employ post-privatization. This introductory article seeks to expand this perspective by utilizing Erving Goffman's theory of ‘total institutions,’ which conceptualizes institutions as founded upon three pillars: organization, space, and community. This article points out that while the vast majority of kibbutzim and moshavim underwent an organizational privatization process, these settlements’ spatial and communal dimensions were transformed in varied ways. Consequently, in settlements that maintain geographical boundaries that distinguish them from their surroundings, and in those that have managed to preserve a unique sociocommunal mix, the moshav and kibbutz continue to sustain a distinct sociocultural way of life despite the organizational privatization.

The profound transformation of the hityashvut ovedet (Labor Settlement) movement following the privatization processes of the late twentieth century has been extensively addressed in the literature. Most research has focused on the movement's organizational dimension, examining which practices the settlement continues to employ post-privatization. This introductory article seeks to expand this perspective by utilizing Erving Goffman's theory of ‘total institutions,’ which conceptualizes institutions as founded upon three pillars: organization, space, and community. This article points out that while the vast majority of kibbutzim and moshavim underwent an organizational privatization process, these settlements’ spatial and communal dimensions were transformed in varied ways. Consequently, in settlements that maintain geographical boundaries that distinguish them from their surroundings, and in those that have managed to preserve a unique sociocommunal mix, the moshav and kibbutz continue to sustain a distinct sociocultural way of life despite the organizational privatization.

Rural communities in Israel have historically been established by and affiliated with different national settling federations, often described together as “the labor settlement.” Yet the concept of a unified “rural space” with common characteristics and interests emerged only in the 1990s. Using qualitative methods of content analysis and semi-structured interviews, this article analyzes the symbolic aspects and meanings of this shift. It suggests that the rural space in Israel has been struggling with a “ruralization” process by which it becomes more similar to other rural spaces in the Global North, while seeking, at the same time, to preserve its unique nature, bolstered by past arrangements and legislation, through the reclaiming and reshaping of symbolic capital from the past.

The profound transformation of the hityashvut ovedet (Labor Settlement) movement following the privatization processes of the late twentieth century has been extensively addressed in the literature. Most research has focused on the movement's organizational dimension, examining which practices the settlement continues to employ post-privatization. This introductory article seeks to expand this perspective by utilizing Erving Goffman's theory of ‘total institutions,’ which conceptualizes institutions as founded upon three pillars: organization, space, and community. This article points out that while the vast majority of kibbutzim and moshavim underwent an organizational privatization process, these settlements’ spatial and communal dimensions were transformed in varied ways. Consequently, in settlements that maintain geographical boundaries that distinguish them from their surroundings, and in those that have managed to preserve a unique sociocommunal mix, the moshav and kibbutz continue to sustain a distinct sociocultural way of life despite the organizational privatization.

Rural communities in Israel have historically been established by and affiliated with different national settling federations, often described together as “the labor settlement.” Yet the concept of a unified “rural space” with common characteristics and interests emerged only in the 1990s. Using qualitative methods of content analysis and semi-structured interviews, this article analyzes the symbolic aspects and meanings of this shift. It suggests that the rural space in Israel has been struggling with a “ruralization” process by which it becomes more similar to other rural spaces in the Global North, while seeking, at the same time, to preserve its unique nature, bolstered by past arrangements and legislation, through the reclaiming and reshaping of symbolic capital from the past.

The article addresses the two inherent tensions marking the history of the kibbutz and the vast research that deals with it: whether the origin of the kibbutz and its development should be viewed as products of ideological conceptions or rather as the result of historical circumstances; and should the kibbutz be viewed as a communal way of life, whose very existence is its goal, or rather as a means toward achieving national and social aims. Its main contentions are: the kibbutz emerged and developed because of circumstances as opposed to ideological principles; it reached the pinnacle of the national ethos because it served as a means for achieving national aims during periods of national emergency, and lost much of its prestige once the difficult times were over; the kibbutz posed an obstacle to the Zionist left. Finally, the article refers to these issues in light of 7 October 2023.

The profound transformation of the hityashvut ovedet (Labor Settlement) movement following the privatization processes of the late twentieth century has been extensively addressed in the literature. Most research has focused on the movement's organizational dimension, examining which practices the settlement continues to employ post-privatization. This introductory article seeks to expand this perspective by utilizing Erving Goffman's theory of ‘total institutions,’ which conceptualizes institutions as founded upon three pillars: organization, space, and community. This article points out that while the vast majority of kibbutzim and moshavim underwent an organizational privatization process, these settlements’ spatial and communal dimensions were transformed in varied ways. Consequently, in settlements that maintain geographical boundaries that distinguish them from their surroundings, and in those that have managed to preserve a unique sociocommunal mix, the moshav and kibbutz continue to sustain a distinct sociocultural way of life despite the organizational privatization.

Rural communities in Israel have historically been established by and affiliated with different national settling federations, often described together as “the labor settlement.” Yet the concept of a unified “rural space” with common characteristics and interests emerged only in the 1990s. Using qualitative methods of content analysis and semi-structured interviews, this article analyzes the symbolic aspects and meanings of this shift. It suggests that the rural space in Israel has been struggling with a “ruralization” process by which it becomes more similar to other rural spaces in the Global North, while seeking, at the same time, to preserve its unique nature, bolstered by past arrangements and legislation, through the reclaiming and reshaping of symbolic capital from the past.

The article addresses the two inherent tensions marking the history of the kibbutz and the vast research that deals with it: whether the origin of the kibbutz and its development should be viewed as products of ideological conceptions or rather as the result of historical circumstances; and should the kibbutz be viewed as a communal way of life, whose very existence is its goal, or rather as a means toward achieving national and social aims. Its main contentions are: the kibbutz emerged and developed because of circumstances as opposed to ideological principles; it reached the pinnacle of the national ethos because it served as a means for achieving national aims during periods of national emergency, and lost much of its prestige once the difficult times were over; the kibbutz posed an obstacle to the Zionist left. Finally, the article refers to these issues in light of 7 October 2023.

This article examines the implications of changes in agriculture over the years on identity and culture in the Arava, a desert region in southern Israel where intensive agriculture has long shaped both local society and the environment. Drawing on ethnographic research, this article traces how residents’ environmental–agricultural imagination historically structured space and community, and how agricultural infrastructures have adapted to political, ecological, and economic pressures. It examines how early settlers framed their efforts to “make the desert bloom,” while highlighting the constraints imposed by national politics, environmental limits, and global markets. By combining the concepts of environmental–agricultural imagination and agricultural infrastructure, the article analyzes agriculture's role in producing place and identity and considers how the spread of solar energy may reshape the spatial and social dynamics of arid regions.

The profound transformation of the hityashvut ovedet (Labor Settlement) movement following the privatization processes of the late twentieth century has been extensively addressed in the literature. Most research has focused on the movement's organizational dimension, examining which practices the settlement continues to employ post-privatization. This introductory article seeks to expand this perspective by utilizing Erving Goffman's theory of ‘total institutions,’ which conceptualizes institutions as founded upon three pillars: organization, space, and community. This article points out that while the vast majority of kibbutzim and moshavim underwent an organizational privatization process, these settlements’ spatial and communal dimensions were transformed in varied ways. Consequently, in settlements that maintain geographical boundaries that distinguish them from their surroundings, and in those that have managed to preserve a unique sociocommunal mix, the moshav and kibbutz continue to sustain a distinct sociocultural way of life despite the organizational privatization.

Rural communities in Israel have historically been established by and affiliated with different national settling federations, often described together as “the labor settlement.” Yet the concept of a unified “rural space” with common characteristics and interests emerged only in the 1990s. Using qualitative methods of content analysis and semi-structured interviews, this article analyzes the symbolic aspects and meanings of this shift. It suggests that the rural space in Israel has been struggling with a “ruralization” process by which it becomes more similar to other rural spaces in the Global North, while seeking, at the same time, to preserve its unique nature, bolstered by past arrangements and legislation, through the reclaiming and reshaping of symbolic capital from the past.

The article addresses the two inherent tensions marking the history of the kibbutz and the vast research that deals with it: whether the origin of the kibbutz and its development should be viewed as products of ideological conceptions or rather as the result of historical circumstances; and should the kibbutz be viewed as a communal way of life, whose very existence is its goal, or rather as a means toward achieving national and social aims. Its main contentions are: the kibbutz emerged and developed because of circumstances as opposed to ideological principles; it reached the pinnacle of the national ethos because it served as a means for achieving national aims during periods of national emergency, and lost much of its prestige once the difficult times were over; the kibbutz posed an obstacle to the Zionist left. Finally, the article refers to these issues in light of 7 October 2023.

This article examines the implications of changes in agriculture over the years on identity and culture in the Arava, a desert region in southern Israel where intensive agriculture has long shaped both local society and the environment. Drawing on ethnographic research, this article traces how residents’ environmental–agricultural imagination historically structured space and community, and how agricultural infrastructures have adapted to political, ecological, and economic pressures. It examines how early settlers framed their efforts to “make the desert bloom,” while highlighting the constraints imposed by national politics, environmental limits, and global markets. By combining the concepts of environmental–agricultural imagination and agricultural infrastructure, the article analyzes agriculture's role in producing place and identity and considers how the spread of solar energy may reshape the spatial and social dynamics of arid regions.

Intergenerational succession is essential for the long-term survival of family farms in Israeli moshavim (cooperative villages). This article provides a theoretical framework for the analysis of optimal farm succession decisions and reviews empirical results showing that the survival and growth of family farms depend crucially on having a successful succession plan. Empirical results show that both farm investments and farm growth increased sharply upon the transfer of the farm to a successor. On dairy farms, the existence of a designated successor was associated with a higher tendency to invest and expand production and a lower tendency to stop producing. The actual succession was also a trigger to invest in farm infrastructure and equipment, and increase the level of production, thereby increasing the prospects of economic resilience and long-term farm survival.

The profound transformation of the hityashvut ovedet (Labor Settlement) movement following the privatization processes of the late twentieth century has been extensively addressed in the literature. Most research has focused on the movement's organizational dimension, examining which practices the settlement continues to employ post-privatization. This introductory article seeks to expand this perspective by utilizing Erving Goffman's theory of ‘total institutions,’ which conceptualizes institutions as founded upon three pillars: organization, space, and community. This article points out that while the vast majority of kibbutzim and moshavim underwent an organizational privatization process, these settlements’ spatial and communal dimensions were transformed in varied ways. Consequently, in settlements that maintain geographical boundaries that distinguish them from their surroundings, and in those that have managed to preserve a unique sociocommunal mix, the moshav and kibbutz continue to sustain a distinct sociocultural way of life despite the organizational privatization.

Rural communities in Israel have historically been established by and affiliated with different national settling federations, often described together as “the labor settlement.” Yet the concept of a unified “rural space” with common characteristics and interests emerged only in the 1990s. Using qualitative methods of content analysis and semi-structured interviews, this article analyzes the symbolic aspects and meanings of this shift. It suggests that the rural space in Israel has been struggling with a “ruralization” process by which it becomes more similar to other rural spaces in the Global North, while seeking, at the same time, to preserve its unique nature, bolstered by past arrangements and legislation, through the reclaiming and reshaping of symbolic capital from the past.

The article addresses the two inherent tensions marking the history of the kibbutz and the vast research that deals with it: whether the origin of the kibbutz and its development should be viewed as products of ideological conceptions or rather as the result of historical circumstances; and should the kibbutz be viewed as a communal way of life, whose very existence is its goal, or rather as a means toward achieving national and social aims. Its main contentions are: the kibbutz emerged and developed because of circumstances as opposed to ideological principles; it reached the pinnacle of the national ethos because it served as a means for achieving national aims during periods of national emergency, and lost much of its prestige once the difficult times were over; the kibbutz posed an obstacle to the Zionist left. Finally, the article refers to these issues in light of 7 October 2023.

This article examines the implications of changes in agriculture over the years on identity and culture in the Arava, a desert region in southern Israel where intensive agriculture has long shaped both local society and the environment. Drawing on ethnographic research, this article traces how residents’ environmental–agricultural imagination historically structured space and community, and how agricultural infrastructures have adapted to political, ecological, and economic pressures. It examines how early settlers framed their efforts to “make the desert bloom,” while highlighting the constraints imposed by national politics, environmental limits, and global markets. By combining the concepts of environmental–agricultural imagination and agricultural infrastructure, the article analyzes agriculture's role in producing place and identity and considers how the spread of solar energy may reshape the spatial and social dynamics of arid regions.

Intergenerational succession is essential for the long-term survival of family farms in Israeli moshavim (cooperative villages). This article provides a theoretical framework for the analysis of optimal farm succession decisions and reviews empirical results showing that the survival and growth of family farms depend crucially on having a successful succession plan. Empirical results show that both farm investments and farm growth increased sharply upon the transfer of the farm to a successor. On dairy farms, the existence of a designated successor was associated with a higher tendency to invest and expand production and a lower tendency to stop producing. The actual succession was also a trigger to invest in farm infrastructure and equipment, and increase the level of production, thereby increasing the prospects of economic resilience and long-term farm survival.

This article examines how the war that erupted on 7 October temporarily reconfigured relationships between agricultural migrant workers and their employers in kibbutzim and moshavim along Israel's frontiers. Using qualitative analysis of media coverage and firsthand insights, this article investigates how the shared vulnerability of workers and employers during the war exposed deeper transformations in the agricultural sector. Specifically, it highlights how processes of state withdrawal and the gradual erosion of national ideals of Hebrew labor produced a system in which migrant workers are both indispensable and invisible. While the war briefly fostered crisis-driven solidarity between local employers, migrant workers, and civil society, this solidarity remained highly situational and conditional. These findings contribute to a broader understanding of the precarity produced by neoliberal restructuring in peripheral agricultural communities, specifically kibbutzim and moshavim.

The profound transformation of the hityashvut ovedet (Labor Settlement) movement following the privatization processes of the late twentieth century has been extensively addressed in the literature. Most research has focused on the movement's organizational dimension, examining which practices the settlement continues to employ post-privatization. This introductory article seeks to expand this perspective by utilizing Erving Goffman's theory of ‘total institutions,’ which conceptualizes institutions as founded upon three pillars: organization, space, and community. This article points out that while the vast majority of kibbutzim and moshavim underwent an organizational privatization process, these settlements’ spatial and communal dimensions were transformed in varied ways. Consequently, in settlements that maintain geographical boundaries that distinguish them from their surroundings, and in those that have managed to preserve a unique sociocommunal mix, the moshav and kibbutz continue to sustain a distinct sociocultural way of life despite the organizational privatization.

Rural communities in Israel have historically been established by and affiliated with different national settling federations, often described together as “the labor settlement.” Yet the concept of a unified “rural space” with common characteristics and interests emerged only in the 1990s. Using qualitative methods of content analysis and semi-structured interviews, this article analyzes the symbolic aspects and meanings of this shift. It suggests that the rural space in Israel has been struggling with a “ruralization” process by which it becomes more similar to other rural spaces in the Global North, while seeking, at the same time, to preserve its unique nature, bolstered by past arrangements and legislation, through the reclaiming and reshaping of symbolic capital from the past.

The article addresses the two inherent tensions marking the history of the kibbutz and the vast research that deals with it: whether the origin of the kibbutz and its development should be viewed as products of ideological conceptions or rather as the result of historical circumstances; and should the kibbutz be viewed as a communal way of life, whose very existence is its goal, or rather as a means toward achieving national and social aims. Its main contentions are: the kibbutz emerged and developed because of circumstances as opposed to ideological principles; it reached the pinnacle of the national ethos because it served as a means for achieving national aims during periods of national emergency, and lost much of its prestige once the difficult times were over; the kibbutz posed an obstacle to the Zionist left. Finally, the article refers to these issues in light of 7 October 2023.

This article examines the implications of changes in agriculture over the years on identity and culture in the Arava, a desert region in southern Israel where intensive agriculture has long shaped both local society and the environment. Drawing on ethnographic research, this article traces how residents’ environmental–agricultural imagination historically structured space and community, and how agricultural infrastructures have adapted to political, ecological, and economic pressures. It examines how early settlers framed their efforts to “make the desert bloom,” while highlighting the constraints imposed by national politics, environmental limits, and global markets. By combining the concepts of environmental–agricultural imagination and agricultural infrastructure, the article analyzes agriculture's role in producing place and identity and considers how the spread of solar energy may reshape the spatial and social dynamics of arid regions.

Intergenerational succession is essential for the long-term survival of family farms in Israeli moshavim (cooperative villages). This article provides a theoretical framework for the analysis of optimal farm succession decisions and reviews empirical results showing that the survival and growth of family farms depend crucially on having a successful succession plan. Empirical results show that both farm investments and farm growth increased sharply upon the transfer of the farm to a successor. On dairy farms, the existence of a designated successor was associated with a higher tendency to invest and expand production and a lower tendency to stop producing. The actual succession was also a trigger to invest in farm infrastructure and equipment, and increase the level of production, thereby increasing the prospects of economic resilience and long-term farm survival.

This article examines how the war that erupted on 7 October temporarily reconfigured relationships between agricultural migrant workers and their employers in kibbutzim and moshavim along Israel's frontiers. Using qualitative analysis of media coverage and firsthand insights, this article investigates how the shared vulnerability of workers and employers during the war exposed deeper transformations in the agricultural sector. Specifically, it highlights how processes of state withdrawal and the gradual erosion of national ideals of Hebrew labor produced a system in which migrant workers are both indispensable and invisible. While the war briefly fostered crisis-driven solidarity between local employers, migrant workers, and civil society, this solidarity remained highly situational and conditional. These findings contribute to a broader understanding of the precarity produced by neoliberal restructuring in peripheral agricultural communities, specifically kibbutzim and moshavim.

This article critically examines the evolution of kibbutzim in Israel, focusing on the legal, economic, and social transformations that accompanied the shift from cooperative to renewed models. It analyzes the tax reforms implemented in 2003 and in 2017 and their implications for kibbutzim and their members. Drawing on historical data and legislative developments, the study highlights the tension between collectivist traditions and individual autonomy, offering recommendations for future tax policy that accounts for the unique national roles kibbutzim carry.

The profound transformation of the hityashvut ovedet (Labor Settlement) movement following the privatization processes of the late twentieth century has been extensively addressed in the literature. Most research has focused on the movement's organizational dimension, examining which practices the settlement continues to employ post-privatization. This introductory article seeks to expand this perspective by utilizing Erving Goffman's theory of ‘total institutions,’ which conceptualizes institutions as founded upon three pillars: organization, space, and community. This article points out that while the vast majority of kibbutzim and moshavim underwent an organizational privatization process, these settlements’ spatial and communal dimensions were transformed in varied ways. Consequently, in settlements that maintain geographical boundaries that distinguish them from their surroundings, and in those that have managed to preserve a unique sociocommunal mix, the moshav and kibbutz continue to sustain a distinct sociocultural way of life despite the organizational privatization.

Rural communities in Israel have historically been established by and affiliated with different national settling federations, often described together as “the labor settlement.” Yet the concept of a unified “rural space” with common characteristics and interests emerged only in the 1990s. Using qualitative methods of content analysis and semi-structured interviews, this article analyzes the symbolic aspects and meanings of this shift. It suggests that the rural space in Israel has been struggling with a “ruralization” process by which it becomes more similar to other rural spaces in the Global North, while seeking, at the same time, to preserve its unique nature, bolstered by past arrangements and legislation, through the reclaiming and reshaping of symbolic capital from the past.

The article addresses the two inherent tensions marking the history of the kibbutz and the vast research that deals with it: whether the origin of the kibbutz and its development should be viewed as products of ideological conceptions or rather as the result of historical circumstances; and should the kibbutz be viewed as a communal way of life, whose very existence is its goal, or rather as a means toward achieving national and social aims. Its main contentions are: the kibbutz emerged and developed because of circumstances as opposed to ideological principles; it reached the pinnacle of the national ethos because it served as a means for achieving national aims during periods of national emergency, and lost much of its prestige once the difficult times were over; the kibbutz posed an obstacle to the Zionist left. Finally, the article refers to these issues in light of 7 October 2023.

This article examines the implications of changes in agriculture over the years on identity and culture in the Arava, a desert region in southern Israel where intensive agriculture has long shaped both local society and the environment. Drawing on ethnographic research, this article traces how residents’ environmental–agricultural imagination historically structured space and community, and how agricultural infrastructures have adapted to political, ecological, and economic pressures. It examines how early settlers framed their efforts to “make the desert bloom,” while highlighting the constraints imposed by national politics, environmental limits, and global markets. By combining the concepts of environmental–agricultural imagination and agricultural infrastructure, the article analyzes agriculture's role in producing place and identity and considers how the spread of solar energy may reshape the spatial and social dynamics of arid regions.

Intergenerational succession is essential for the long-term survival of family farms in Israeli moshavim (cooperative villages). This article provides a theoretical framework for the analysis of optimal farm succession decisions and reviews empirical results showing that the survival and growth of family farms depend crucially on having a successful succession plan. Empirical results show that both farm investments and farm growth increased sharply upon the transfer of the farm to a successor. On dairy farms, the existence of a designated successor was associated with a higher tendency to invest and expand production and a lower tendency to stop producing. The actual succession was also a trigger to invest in farm infrastructure and equipment, and increase the level of production, thereby increasing the prospects of economic resilience and long-term farm survival.

This article examines how the war that erupted on 7 October temporarily reconfigured relationships between agricultural migrant workers and their employers in kibbutzim and moshavim along Israel's frontiers. Using qualitative analysis of media coverage and firsthand insights, this article investigates how the shared vulnerability of workers and employers during the war exposed deeper transformations in the agricultural sector. Specifically, it highlights how processes of state withdrawal and the gradual erosion of national ideals of Hebrew labor produced a system in which migrant workers are both indispensable and invisible. While the war briefly fostered crisis-driven solidarity between local employers, migrant workers, and civil society, this solidarity remained highly situational and conditional. These findings contribute to a broader understanding of the precarity produced by neoliberal restructuring in peripheral agricultural communities, specifically kibbutzim and moshavim.

This article critically examines the evolution of kibbutzim in Israel, focusing on the legal, economic, and social transformations that accompanied the shift from cooperative to renewed models. It analyzes the tax reforms implemented in 2003 and in 2017 and their implications for kibbutzim and their members. Drawing on historical data and legislative developments, the study highlights the tension between collectivist traditions and individual autonomy, offering recommendations for future tax policy that accounts for the unique national roles kibbutzim carry.

Jewish immigration from Latin America played a key role in kibbutzim during Israel's early years. Driven by Zionist youth movements, it was exceptional in scale and pioneering spirit in comparison with immigration from other Western countries. However, by the mid-1960s, global generational shifts, political and economic crises in Latin America, and the decline of Israel and the kibbutz movement's revolutionary ethos altered migration patterns. This shift deepened in the 1970s–1980s, when kibbutzim turned from absorbing permanent settlers into hosting Diaspora youth on short-term programs and temporary stays. These exhausted kibbutzim thus artificially inflated their populations, masking more profound demographic challenges. The study argues that this transition foreshadowed the kibbutzim's broader crisis from a demographic perspective—an aspect largely absent from research on immigration to kibbutzim and overlooked in studies on the kibbutzim's decline.

The profound transformation of the hityashvut ovedet (Labor Settlement) movement following the privatization processes of the late twentieth century has been extensively addressed in the literature. Most research has focused on the movement's organizational dimension, examining which practices the settlement continues to employ post-privatization. This introductory article seeks to expand this perspective by utilizing Erving Goffman's theory of ‘total institutions,’ which conceptualizes institutions as founded upon three pillars: organization, space, and community. This article points out that while the vast majority of kibbutzim and moshavim underwent an organizational privatization process, these settlements’ spatial and communal dimensions were transformed in varied ways. Consequently, in settlements that maintain geographical boundaries that distinguish them from their surroundings, and in those that have managed to preserve a unique sociocommunal mix, the moshav and kibbutz continue to sustain a distinct sociocultural way of life despite the organizational privatization.

Rural communities in Israel have historically been established by and affiliated with different national settling federations, often described together as “the labor settlement.” Yet the concept of a unified “rural space” with common characteristics and interests emerged only in the 1990s. Using qualitative methods of content analysis and semi-structured interviews, this article analyzes the symbolic aspects and meanings of this shift. It suggests that the rural space in Israel has been struggling with a “ruralization” process by which it becomes more similar to other rural spaces in the Global North, while seeking, at the same time, to preserve its unique nature, bolstered by past arrangements and legislation, through the reclaiming and reshaping of symbolic capital from the past.

The article addresses the two inherent tensions marking the history of the kibbutz and the vast research that deals with it: whether the origin of the kibbutz and its development should be viewed as products of ideological conceptions or rather as the result of historical circumstances; and should the kibbutz be viewed as a communal way of life, whose very existence is its goal, or rather as a means toward achieving national and social aims. Its main contentions are: the kibbutz emerged and developed because of circumstances as opposed to ideological principles; it reached the pinnacle of the national ethos because it served as a means for achieving national aims during periods of national emergency, and lost much of its prestige once the difficult times were over; the kibbutz posed an obstacle to the Zionist left. Finally, the article refers to these issues in light of 7 October 2023.

This article examines the implications of changes in agriculture over the years on identity and culture in the Arava, a desert region in southern Israel where intensive agriculture has long shaped both local society and the environment. Drawing on ethnographic research, this article traces how residents’ environmental–agricultural imagination historically structured space and community, and how agricultural infrastructures have adapted to political, ecological, and economic pressures. It examines how early settlers framed their efforts to “make the desert bloom,” while highlighting the constraints imposed by national politics, environmental limits, and global markets. By combining the concepts of environmental–agricultural imagination and agricultural infrastructure, the article analyzes agriculture's role in producing place and identity and considers how the spread of solar energy may reshape the spatial and social dynamics of arid regions.

Intergenerational succession is essential for the long-term survival of family farms in Israeli moshavim (cooperative villages). This article provides a theoretical framework for the analysis of optimal farm succession decisions and reviews empirical results showing that the survival and growth of family farms depend crucially on having a successful succession plan. Empirical results show that both farm investments and farm growth increased sharply upon the transfer of the farm to a successor. On dairy farms, the existence of a designated successor was associated with a higher tendency to invest and expand production and a lower tendency to stop producing. The actual succession was also a trigger to invest in farm infrastructure and equipment, and increase the level of production, thereby increasing the prospects of economic resilience and long-term farm survival.

This article examines how the war that erupted on 7 October temporarily reconfigured relationships between agricultural migrant workers and their employers in kibbutzim and moshavim along Israel's frontiers. Using qualitative analysis of media coverage and firsthand insights, this article investigates how the shared vulnerability of workers and employers during the war exposed deeper transformations in the agricultural sector. Specifically, it highlights how processes of state withdrawal and the gradual erosion of national ideals of Hebrew labor produced a system in which migrant workers are both indispensable and invisible. While the war briefly fostered crisis-driven solidarity between local employers, migrant workers, and civil society, this solidarity remained highly situational and conditional. These findings contribute to a broader understanding of the precarity produced by neoliberal restructuring in peripheral agricultural communities, specifically kibbutzim and moshavim.

This article critically examines the evolution of kibbutzim in Israel, focusing on the legal, economic, and social transformations that accompanied the shift from cooperative to renewed models. It analyzes the tax reforms implemented in 2003 and in 2017 and their implications for kibbutzim and their members. Drawing on historical data and legislative developments, the study highlights the tension between collectivist traditions and individual autonomy, offering recommendations for future tax policy that accounts for the unique national roles kibbutzim carry.

Jewish immigration from Latin America played a key role in kibbutzim during Israel's early years. Driven by Zionist youth movements, it was exceptional in scale and pioneering spirit in comparison with immigration from other Western countries. However, by the mid-1960s, global generational shifts, political and economic crises in Latin America, and the decline of Israel and the kibbutz movement's revolutionary ethos altered migration patterns. This shift deepened in the 1970s–1980s, when kibbutzim turned from absorbing permanent settlers into hosting Diaspora youth on short-term programs and temporary stays. These exhausted kibbutzim thus artificially inflated their populations, masking more profound demographic challenges. The study argues that this transition foreshadowed the kibbutzim's broader crisis from a demographic perspective—an aspect largely absent from research on immigration to kibbutzim and overlooked in studies on the kibbutzim's decline.

This article examines the evolving spatial structure of the Israeli kibbutz in response to social, ideological, and economic transformations. It explores how the original utopian design, rooted in modernist principles, sought to embody collectivist ideals and how, over time, privatization and neoliberal shifts have fragmented the once-cohesive space. Using historical analysis and contemporary case studies, this article highlights the growing mismatch between spatial organization and community needs. This discussion is particularly relevant in light of the October 2023 crisis, which necessitates the rehabilitation of kibbutzim and presents an opportunity to rethink their spatial and social frameworks. This article argues that a reimagined kibbutz space must balance continuity with adaptation, ensuring that communal life is preserved while addressing contemporary realities.

The article aims to describe how Jewish women belonging to the majority group in Israel married to Muslim men belonging to the Arab-Palestinian minority group in Israel cope with modesty codes in their daily lives. Modesty is a prevalent value in most Muslim families but may pose particular challenges to women in mixed families. A qualitative study using semi-structured interviews was conducted with thirteen Jewish Israeli women who are/were married to Muslim Israeli men. The findings show that some of the women fully obeyed and assimilated the modesty norms that reflect conservative expectations, while others often violated them, initiating a direct conflict with their spouses. However, most women engaged in continuous negotiations with their spouses. The study offers an innovative perspective on gender relations and everyday dynamics in mixed families, particularly in divided societies. These coping strategies and ongoing interactions are not simple or monolithic but rather complex and flexible.

The article aims to describe how Jewish women belonging to the majority group in Israel married to Muslim men belonging to the Arab-Palestinian minority group in Israel cope with modesty codes in their daily lives. Modesty is a prevalent value in most Muslim families but may pose particular challenges to women in mixed families. A qualitative study using semi-structured interviews was conducted with thirteen Jewish Israeli women who are/were married to Muslim Israeli men. The findings show that some of the women fully obeyed and assimilated the modesty norms that reflect conservative expectations, while others often violated them, initiating a direct conflict with their spouses. However, most women engaged in continuous negotiations with their spouses. The study offers an innovative perspective on gender relations and everyday dynamics in mixed families, particularly in divided societies. These coping strategies and ongoing interactions are not simple or monolithic but rather complex and flexible.

The sudden and meteoric rise of Otzma Yehudit has attracted significant media attention but has thus far escaped the interest of scholars. The Kahanist faction Otzma Yehudit represents constitutes an anti-democratic movement that had previously been repressed by elites in both right and left-wing parties. How did the Kahanists successfully adapt to elite pressure and build legitimacy both with the public and in government? I argue that the Kahanist movement embedded itself in larger networks to preserve avenues of state penetration. Adapting to the concentration of the party system, Kahanists pursued several strategies: external, rejecting traditional electoral competition; internal, seeking to commandeer elite-led parties; and oppositional, seeking to run as independent parties. Although each of these approaches initially proved unsuccessful, the fractionalization and personalization of Israel's political system paved the way for eventual legitimization.

The article aims to describe how Jewish women belonging to the majority group in Israel married to Muslim men belonging to the Arab-Palestinian minority group in Israel cope with modesty codes in their daily lives. Modesty is a prevalent value in most Muslim families but may pose particular challenges to women in mixed families. A qualitative study using semi-structured interviews was conducted with thirteen Jewish Israeli women who are/were married to Muslim Israeli men. The findings show that some of the women fully obeyed and assimilated the modesty norms that reflect conservative expectations, while others often violated them, initiating a direct conflict with their spouses. However, most women engaged in continuous negotiations with their spouses. The study offers an innovative perspective on gender relations and everyday dynamics in mixed families, particularly in divided societies. These coping strategies and ongoing interactions are not simple or monolithic but rather complex and flexible.

The sudden and meteoric rise of Otzma Yehudit has attracted significant media attention but has thus far escaped the interest of scholars. The Kahanist faction Otzma Yehudit represents constitutes an anti-democratic movement that had previously been repressed by elites in both right and left-wing parties. How did the Kahanists successfully adapt to elite pressure and build legitimacy both with the public and in government? I argue that the Kahanist movement embedded itself in larger networks to preserve avenues of state penetration. Adapting to the concentration of the party system, Kahanists pursued several strategies: external, rejecting traditional electoral competition; internal, seeking to commandeer elite-led parties; and oppositional, seeking to run as independent parties. Although each of these approaches initially proved unsuccessful, the fractionalization and personalization of Israel's political system paved the way for eventual legitimization.

Palestinian embroidery is the subject of ongoing interest, much of it on the part of Palestinian collectors, artists, and researchers. The present article focuses upon the works of Rachel Kainy, a young Israeli artist, who paints to perfection worn-out remnants of embroidered Palestinian thaubs (traditional embroidered ankle-length dresses). Retaining the traces of wear and tear on the embroidered pieces, while transposing them to the medium of painting, potentially activates the historical association of the Nakba. Living in the former Palestinian village of ‘Ayn Karim, Kainy's nuanced, thought-provoking works and accompanying story provide grounds for reflecting upon unexpected reactions of Israelis to the Nakba, as well as a plethora of issues regarding folk creativity, femininity, and occupation.

The article aims to describe how Jewish women belonging to the majority group in Israel married to Muslim men belonging to the Arab-Palestinian minority group in Israel cope with modesty codes in their daily lives. Modesty is a prevalent value in most Muslim families but may pose particular challenges to women in mixed families. A qualitative study using semi-structured interviews was conducted with thirteen Jewish Israeli women who are/were married to Muslim Israeli men. The findings show that some of the women fully obeyed and assimilated the modesty norms that reflect conservative expectations, while others often violated them, initiating a direct conflict with their spouses. However, most women engaged in continuous negotiations with their spouses. The study offers an innovative perspective on gender relations and everyday dynamics in mixed families, particularly in divided societies. These coping strategies and ongoing interactions are not simple or monolithic but rather complex and flexible.

The sudden and meteoric rise of Otzma Yehudit has attracted significant media attention but has thus far escaped the interest of scholars. The Kahanist faction Otzma Yehudit represents constitutes an anti-democratic movement that had previously been repressed by elites in both right and left-wing parties. How did the Kahanists successfully adapt to elite pressure and build legitimacy both with the public and in government? I argue that the Kahanist movement embedded itself in larger networks to preserve avenues of state penetration. Adapting to the concentration of the party system, Kahanists pursued several strategies: external, rejecting traditional electoral competition; internal, seeking to commandeer elite-led parties; and oppositional, seeking to run as independent parties. Although each of these approaches initially proved unsuccessful, the fractionalization and personalization of Israel's political system paved the way for eventual legitimization.

Palestinian embroidery is the subject of ongoing interest, much of it on the part of Palestinian collectors, artists, and researchers. The present article focuses upon the works of Rachel Kainy, a young Israeli artist, who paints to perfection worn-out remnants of embroidered Palestinian thaubs (traditional embroidered ankle-length dresses). Retaining the traces of wear and tear on the embroidered pieces, while transposing them to the medium of painting, potentially activates the historical association of the Nakba. Living in the former Palestinian village of ‘Ayn Karim, Kainy's nuanced, thought-provoking works and accompanying story provide grounds for reflecting upon unexpected reactions of Israelis to the Nakba, as well as a plethora of issues regarding folk creativity, femininity, and occupation.

This article explores canon, canonization, and consensus in art literature through the Israeli art field. It challenges current approaches that conceptualize canon as broad agreement. It introduces the concept of “imagined consensus” and examines art canons’ relationship with fiction literature. While consensus is grounded in widespread public opinion, this article argues that “imagined consensus” is grounded in personal opinion resonating with the public over time. Consensus can arise after canon formation, which may not always reflect it. Using Israeli–Jewish art in Israel as an example, this article analyzes its rapid canonization since the 1980s. This article also argues that fictionalization in texts transforms “imagined consensus” into conventional consensus.

The article aims to describe how Jewish women belonging to the majority group in Israel married to Muslim men belonging to the Arab-Palestinian minority group in Israel cope with modesty codes in their daily lives. Modesty is a prevalent value in most Muslim families but may pose particular challenges to women in mixed families. A qualitative study using semi-structured interviews was conducted with thirteen Jewish Israeli women who are/were married to Muslim Israeli men. The findings show that some of the women fully obeyed and assimilated the modesty norms that reflect conservative expectations, while others often violated them, initiating a direct conflict with their spouses. However, most women engaged in continuous negotiations with their spouses. The study offers an innovative perspective on gender relations and everyday dynamics in mixed families, particularly in divided societies. These coping strategies and ongoing interactions are not simple or monolithic but rather complex and flexible.

The sudden and meteoric rise of Otzma Yehudit has attracted significant media attention but has thus far escaped the interest of scholars. The Kahanist faction Otzma Yehudit represents constitutes an anti-democratic movement that had previously been repressed by elites in both right and left-wing parties. How did the Kahanists successfully adapt to elite pressure and build legitimacy both with the public and in government? I argue that the Kahanist movement embedded itself in larger networks to preserve avenues of state penetration. Adapting to the concentration of the party system, Kahanists pursued several strategies: external, rejecting traditional electoral competition; internal, seeking to commandeer elite-led parties; and oppositional, seeking to run as independent parties. Although each of these approaches initially proved unsuccessful, the fractionalization and personalization of Israel's political system paved the way for eventual legitimization.

Palestinian embroidery is the subject of ongoing interest, much of it on the part of Palestinian collectors, artists, and researchers. The present article focuses upon the works of Rachel Kainy, a young Israeli artist, who paints to perfection worn-out remnants of embroidered Palestinian thaubs (traditional embroidered ankle-length dresses). Retaining the traces of wear and tear on the embroidered pieces, while transposing them to the medium of painting, potentially activates the historical association of the Nakba. Living in the former Palestinian village of ‘Ayn Karim, Kainy's nuanced, thought-provoking works and accompanying story provide grounds for reflecting upon unexpected reactions of Israelis to the Nakba, as well as a plethora of issues regarding folk creativity, femininity, and occupation.

This article explores canon, canonization, and consensus in art literature through the Israeli art field. It challenges current approaches that conceptualize canon as broad agreement. It introduces the concept of “imagined consensus” and examines art canons’ relationship with fiction literature. While consensus is grounded in widespread public opinion, this article argues that “imagined consensus” is grounded in personal opinion resonating with the public over time. Consensus can arise after canon formation, which may not always reflect it. Using Israeli–Jewish art in Israel as an example, this article analyzes its rapid canonization since the 1980s. This article also argues that fictionalization in texts transforms “imagined consensus” into conventional consensus.

This article explores how teaching became a springboard for immigrant social mobility in Israel during the 1950s. At that time, one-fifth of elementary Hebrew education teachers were themselves immigrants, serving a student population where over two-fifths were from the mass migration. To address the teacher shortage, the Ministry of Education relaxed standards, employing a greater proportion of uncertified teachers. This study reveals how immigrant teachers rapidly ascended to the professional middle class via three distinct pathways. First, immigrants with no prior teaching experience in their home countries chose teaching as a new profession in Israel. Second, immigrants with previous teaching experience regained their professional status in the Israeli education system. Finally, some immigrant teachers quickly moved into managerial positions, often shortly after their arrival.

The article aims to describe how Jewish women belonging to the majority group in Israel married to Muslim men belonging to the Arab-Palestinian minority group in Israel cope with modesty codes in their daily lives. Modesty is a prevalent value in most Muslim families but may pose particular challenges to women in mixed families. A qualitative study using semi-structured interviews was conducted with thirteen Jewish Israeli women who are/were married to Muslim Israeli men. The findings show that some of the women fully obeyed and assimilated the modesty norms that reflect conservative expectations, while others often violated them, initiating a direct conflict with their spouses. However, most women engaged in continuous negotiations with their spouses. The study offers an innovative perspective on gender relations and everyday dynamics in mixed families, particularly in divided societies. These coping strategies and ongoing interactions are not simple or monolithic but rather complex and flexible.

The sudden and meteoric rise of Otzma Yehudit has attracted significant media attention but has thus far escaped the interest of scholars. The Kahanist faction Otzma Yehudit represents constitutes an anti-democratic movement that had previously been repressed by elites in both right and left-wing parties. How did the Kahanists successfully adapt to elite pressure and build legitimacy both with the public and in government? I argue that the Kahanist movement embedded itself in larger networks to preserve avenues of state penetration. Adapting to the concentration of the party system, Kahanists pursued several strategies: external, rejecting traditional electoral competition; internal, seeking to commandeer elite-led parties; and oppositional, seeking to run as independent parties. Although each of these approaches initially proved unsuccessful, the fractionalization and personalization of Israel's political system paved the way for eventual legitimization.

Palestinian embroidery is the subject of ongoing interest, much of it on the part of Palestinian collectors, artists, and researchers. The present article focuses upon the works of Rachel Kainy, a young Israeli artist, who paints to perfection worn-out remnants of embroidered Palestinian thaubs (traditional embroidered ankle-length dresses). Retaining the traces of wear and tear on the embroidered pieces, while transposing them to the medium of painting, potentially activates the historical association of the Nakba. Living in the former Palestinian village of ‘Ayn Karim, Kainy's nuanced, thought-provoking works and accompanying story provide grounds for reflecting upon unexpected reactions of Israelis to the Nakba, as well as a plethora of issues regarding folk creativity, femininity, and occupation.

This article explores canon, canonization, and consensus in art literature through the Israeli art field. It challenges current approaches that conceptualize canon as broad agreement. It introduces the concept of “imagined consensus” and examines art canons’ relationship with fiction literature. While consensus is grounded in widespread public opinion, this article argues that “imagined consensus” is grounded in personal opinion resonating with the public over time. Consensus can arise after canon formation, which may not always reflect it. Using Israeli–Jewish art in Israel as an example, this article analyzes its rapid canonization since the 1980s. This article also argues that fictionalization in texts transforms “imagined consensus” into conventional consensus.

This article explores how teaching became a springboard for immigrant social mobility in Israel during the 1950s. At that time, one-fifth of elementary Hebrew education teachers were themselves immigrants, serving a student population where over two-fifths were from the mass migration. To address the teacher shortage, the Ministry of Education relaxed standards, employing a greater proportion of uncertified teachers. This study reveals how immigrant teachers rapidly ascended to the professional middle class via three distinct pathways. First, immigrants with no prior teaching experience in their home countries chose teaching as a new profession in Israel. Second, immigrants with previous teaching experience regained their professional status in the Israeli education system. Finally, some immigrant teachers quickly moved into managerial positions, often shortly after their arrival.

I do not know if there has ever been a war in Israel that has generated as much literary writing from its inception as the war that began on October 7th. While there are examples of writing during wartime, literature more typically engages with wars after they end, sometimes years or even decades later, or through the echoes of one war in another. The trauma of war permeates culture, literature, and art, creating cyclical returns to the Holocaust, 1948, the Yom Kippur War, and the Lebanon War. For example, Haim Sabato's Adjusting Sights, which deals with the Yom Kippur War, was published in 2003; in other words, thirty years later. Ron Leshem's If There Is a Paradise, which is about the Lebanon War, appeared in 2005, and Yoram Kaniuk's 1948 was published in 2010, over sixty years after that war. These works, among many others, demonstrate how traumatic events resonate across decades, and provide panoramas of broad historical contexts. Wars continue to be depicted long after they occur, with different perspectives, providing numerous ways to come to grips with them.

The article aims to describe how Jewish women belonging to the majority group in Israel married to Muslim men belonging to the Arab-Palestinian minority group in Israel cope with modesty codes in their daily lives. Modesty is a prevalent value in most Muslim families but may pose particular challenges to women in mixed families. A qualitative study using semi-structured interviews was conducted with thirteen Jewish Israeli women who are/were married to Muslim Israeli men. The findings show that some of the women fully obeyed and assimilated the modesty norms that reflect conservative expectations, while others often violated them, initiating a direct conflict with their spouses. However, most women engaged in continuous negotiations with their spouses. The study offers an innovative perspective on gender relations and everyday dynamics in mixed families, particularly in divided societies. These coping strategies and ongoing interactions are not simple or monolithic but rather complex and flexible.

The sudden and meteoric rise of Otzma Yehudit has attracted significant media attention but has thus far escaped the interest of scholars. The Kahanist faction Otzma Yehudit represents constitutes an anti-democratic movement that had previously been repressed by elites in both right and left-wing parties. How did the Kahanists successfully adapt to elite pressure and build legitimacy both with the public and in government? I argue that the Kahanist movement embedded itself in larger networks to preserve avenues of state penetration. Adapting to the concentration of the party system, Kahanists pursued several strategies: external, rejecting traditional electoral competition; internal, seeking to commandeer elite-led parties; and oppositional, seeking to run as independent parties. Although each of these approaches initially proved unsuccessful, the fractionalization and personalization of Israel's political system paved the way for eventual legitimization.

Palestinian embroidery is the subject of ongoing interest, much of it on the part of Palestinian collectors, artists, and researchers. The present article focuses upon the works of Rachel Kainy, a young Israeli artist, who paints to perfection worn-out remnants of embroidered Palestinian thaubs (traditional embroidered ankle-length dresses). Retaining the traces of wear and tear on the embroidered pieces, while transposing them to the medium of painting, potentially activates the historical association of the Nakba. Living in the former Palestinian village of ‘Ayn Karim, Kainy's nuanced, thought-provoking works and accompanying story provide grounds for reflecting upon unexpected reactions of Israelis to the Nakba, as well as a plethora of issues regarding folk creativity, femininity, and occupation.

This article explores canon, canonization, and consensus in art literature through the Israeli art field. It challenges current approaches that conceptualize canon as broad agreement. It introduces the concept of “imagined consensus” and examines art canons’ relationship with fiction literature. While consensus is grounded in widespread public opinion, this article argues that “imagined consensus” is grounded in personal opinion resonating with the public over time. Consensus can arise after canon formation, which may not always reflect it. Using Israeli–Jewish art in Israel as an example, this article analyzes its rapid canonization since the 1980s. This article also argues that fictionalization in texts transforms “imagined consensus” into conventional consensus.

This article explores how teaching became a springboard for immigrant social mobility in Israel during the 1950s. At that time, one-fifth of elementary Hebrew education teachers were themselves immigrants, serving a student population where over two-fifths were from the mass migration. To address the teacher shortage, the Ministry of Education relaxed standards, employing a greater proportion of uncertified teachers. This study reveals how immigrant teachers rapidly ascended to the professional middle class via three distinct pathways. First, immigrants with no prior teaching experience in their home countries chose teaching as a new profession in Israel. Second, immigrants with previous teaching experience regained their professional status in the Israeli education system. Finally, some immigrant teachers quickly moved into managerial positions, often shortly after their arrival.

I do not know if there has ever been a war in Israel that has generated as much literary writing from its inception as the war that began on October 7th. While there are examples of writing during wartime, literature more typically engages with wars after they end, sometimes years or even decades later, or through the echoes of one war in another. The trauma of war permeates culture, literature, and art, creating cyclical returns to the Holocaust, 1948, the Yom Kippur War, and the Lebanon War. For example, Haim Sabato's Adjusting Sights, which deals with the Yom Kippur War, was published in 2003; in other words, thirty years later. Ron Leshem's If There Is a Paradise, which is about the Lebanon War, appeared in 2005, and Yoram Kaniuk's 1948 was published in 2010, over sixty years after that war. These works, among many others, demonstrate how traumatic events resonate across decades, and provide panoramas of broad historical contexts. Wars continue to be depicted long after they occur, with different perspectives, providing numerous ways to come to grips with them.

Karlinsky, Nahum, ed., The Modern Israeli and Palestinian Diasporas: A Comparative Approach (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2024). 344pp., $55.00 (hardback).

Gutkowski, Natalia, Struggling for Time: Environmental Governance and Agrarian Resistance in Israel/Palestine (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2024), 336pp., US$120.

Podeh, Elie, Villa in the Jungle (Jerusalem: Carmel, 2025), 466pp., 128NIS.

We bring a combined six decades of research on gender-based violence to our roles as co-editors of this special issue. Dalit Yassour-Borochowitz is a feminist social work researcher who has studied for over three decades issues related to intimate violence against women, ethics, and gender in the labor market (Benjamin, Yassour-Borochowitz, and Barzilay 2024; Yassour-Borochowitz 2003, 2012; Yassour-Borochowitz and Wasserman 2018). She currently serves as head of the department of social work at Yezreel College, Israel. Madelaine Adelman is an anthropologist and sociolegal scholar whose research centers on the politics of domestic violence (Adelman 2017). Motivated by the possibilities of social change inherent in people working together toward a shared goal, she integrates community-based advocacy into her research on gender-based violence in families and schools (Adelman, Liou et al. 2024; Adelman, Rosenberg et al. 2016; Adelman and Semprevivo 2024). Together, drawing on our expertise in Israel and beyond, we developed the focus for the special issue: to amplify the voices of established as well as emerging scholars and activists engaged in studying and organizing against various forms of gender-based violence in Israel.

We bring a combined six decades of research on gender-based violence to our roles as co-editors of this special issue. Dalit Yassour-Borochowitz is a feminist social work researcher who has studied for over three decades issues related to intimate violence against women, ethics, and gender in the labor market (Benjamin, Yassour-Borochowitz, and Barzilay 2024; Yassour-Borochowitz 2003, 2012; Yassour-Borochowitz and Wasserman 2018). She currently serves as head of the department of social work at Yezreel College, Israel. Madelaine Adelman is an anthropologist and sociolegal scholar whose research centers on the politics of domestic violence (Adelman 2017). Motivated by the possibilities of social change inherent in people working together toward a shared goal, she integrates community-based advocacy into her research on gender-based violence in families and schools (Adelman, Liou et al. 2024; Adelman, Rosenberg et al. 2016; Adelman and Semprevivo 2024). Together, drawing on our expertise in Israel and beyond, we developed the focus for the special issue: to amplify the voices of established as well as emerging scholars and activists engaged in studying and organizing against various forms of gender-based violence in Israel.

This study examines the proliferation and expansion of governmental and nongovernmental institutions addressing gender-based violence in Israel under neoliberal policies since the mid-1980s. Using longitudinal data from our original WPA-IL (women's policy agencies) dataset documenting GBV (gender-based violence) institutions from 1970–2017, we analyze the field's characteristics and stakeholder interactions over time. We focus particularly on hybrid patterns of service provision between government bodies and women's NGOs. We argue that neoliberal institutionalization and professionalization prompted the devaluation and underfunding of women's work in this sector while erasing feminist knowledge about GBV. The hybrid model, initially designed to support grassroots initiatives, has enabled for-profit organizations to compete for limited state resources through social service procurement.

We bring a combined six decades of research on gender-based violence to our roles as co-editors of this special issue. Dalit Yassour-Borochowitz is a feminist social work researcher who has studied for over three decades issues related to intimate violence against women, ethics, and gender in the labor market (Benjamin, Yassour-Borochowitz, and Barzilay 2024; Yassour-Borochowitz 2003, 2012; Yassour-Borochowitz and Wasserman 2018). She currently serves as head of the department of social work at Yezreel College, Israel. Madelaine Adelman is an anthropologist and sociolegal scholar whose research centers on the politics of domestic violence (Adelman 2017). Motivated by the possibilities of social change inherent in people working together toward a shared goal, she integrates community-based advocacy into her research on gender-based violence in families and schools (Adelman, Liou et al. 2024; Adelman, Rosenberg et al. 2016; Adelman and Semprevivo 2024). Together, drawing on our expertise in Israel and beyond, we developed the focus for the special issue: to amplify the voices of established as well as emerging scholars and activists engaged in studying and organizing against various forms of gender-based violence in Israel.

This study examines the proliferation and expansion of governmental and nongovernmental institutions addressing gender-based violence in Israel under neoliberal policies since the mid-1980s. Using longitudinal data from our original WPA-IL (women's policy agencies) dataset documenting GBV (gender-based violence) institutions from 1970–2017, we analyze the field's characteristics and stakeholder interactions over time. We focus particularly on hybrid patterns of service provision between government bodies and women's NGOs. We argue that neoliberal institutionalization and professionalization prompted the devaluation and underfunding of women's work in this sector while erasing feminist knowledge about GBV. The hybrid model, initially designed to support grassroots initiatives, has enabled for-profit organizations to compete for limited state resources through social service procurement.

Over the past decade, there has been a surge in domestic violence (DV) against Arab women in Israel, with their representation as victims exceeding their percentage of the population. Despite increased public discourse about DV, the state's efforts to combat the problem have exhibited notable gaps, raising questions about institutional understandings of women's needs and the inadequacy of location-specific policies. Through semi-structured interviews with female Arab police officers (FAPOs) in Israel, this article explores their subjective perspectives, including their perceptions of the roles they play vis-à-vis Arab women experiencing DV and the institutional barriers that exist to cultural responsiveness when serving Arab women.

We bring a combined six decades of research on gender-based violence to our roles as co-editors of this special issue. Dalit Yassour-Borochowitz is a feminist social work researcher who has studied for over three decades issues related to intimate violence against women, ethics, and gender in the labor market (Benjamin, Yassour-Borochowitz, and Barzilay 2024; Yassour-Borochowitz 2003, 2012; Yassour-Borochowitz and Wasserman 2018). She currently serves as head of the department of social work at Yezreel College, Israel. Madelaine Adelman is an anthropologist and sociolegal scholar whose research centers on the politics of domestic violence (Adelman 2017). Motivated by the possibilities of social change inherent in people working together toward a shared goal, she integrates community-based advocacy into her research on gender-based violence in families and schools (Adelman, Liou et al. 2024; Adelman, Rosenberg et al. 2016; Adelman and Semprevivo 2024). Together, drawing on our expertise in Israel and beyond, we developed the focus for the special issue: to amplify the voices of established as well as emerging scholars and activists engaged in studying and organizing against various forms of gender-based violence in Israel.

This study examines the proliferation and expansion of governmental and nongovernmental institutions addressing gender-based violence in Israel under neoliberal policies since the mid-1980s. Using longitudinal data from our original WPA-IL (women's policy agencies) dataset documenting GBV (gender-based violence) institutions from 1970–2017, we analyze the field's characteristics and stakeholder interactions over time. We focus particularly on hybrid patterns of service provision between government bodies and women's NGOs. We argue that neoliberal institutionalization and professionalization prompted the devaluation and underfunding of women's work in this sector while erasing feminist knowledge about GBV. The hybrid model, initially designed to support grassroots initiatives, has enabled for-profit organizations to compete for limited state resources through social service procurement.

Over the past decade, there has been a surge in domestic violence (DV) against Arab women in Israel, with their representation as victims exceeding their percentage of the population. Despite increased public discourse about DV, the state's efforts to combat the problem have exhibited notable gaps, raising questions about institutional understandings of women's needs and the inadequacy of location-specific policies. Through semi-structured interviews with female Arab police officers (FAPOs) in Israel, this article explores their subjective perspectives, including their perceptions of the roles they play vis-à-vis Arab women experiencing DV and the institutional barriers that exist to cultural responsiveness when serving Arab women.

Since 1991, Israel has enacted legislation to prevent family violence and established centers providing therapeutic and prevention services (CPDVs). However, there is limited research on how social workers interpret and implement the goals of this legislation. This study investigates social workers’ perceptions and responses to intimate partner violence (IPV) survivors within welfare services. Through in-depth interviews with fifty social workers handling IPV cases, our analysis identified two key findings. First, social workers’ primary response focuses on therapeutic interventions, which frequently overlook survivors’ immediate safety needs and legal rights. Second, often they adopt a gender-symmetrical approach to IPV, questioning the credibility of women's reports. A common thread of suspicion toward IPV survivors connects both findings, highlighting how social workers’ skepticism may unintentionally undermine efforts to prevent IPV.

We bring a combined six decades of research on gender-based violence to our roles as co-editors of this special issue. Dalit Yassour-Borochowitz is a feminist social work researcher who has studied for over three decades issues related to intimate violence against women, ethics, and gender in the labor market (Benjamin, Yassour-Borochowitz, and Barzilay 2024; Yassour-Borochowitz 2003, 2012; Yassour-Borochowitz and Wasserman 2018). She currently serves as head of the department of social work at Yezreel College, Israel. Madelaine Adelman is an anthropologist and sociolegal scholar whose research centers on the politics of domestic violence (Adelman 2017). Motivated by the possibilities of social change inherent in people working together toward a shared goal, she integrates community-based advocacy into her research on gender-based violence in families and schools (Adelman, Liou et al. 2024; Adelman, Rosenberg et al. 2016; Adelman and Semprevivo 2024). Together, drawing on our expertise in Israel and beyond, we developed the focus for the special issue: to amplify the voices of established as well as emerging scholars and activists engaged in studying and organizing against various forms of gender-based violence in Israel.

This study examines the proliferation and expansion of governmental and nongovernmental institutions addressing gender-based violence in Israel under neoliberal policies since the mid-1980s. Using longitudinal data from our original WPA-IL (women's policy agencies) dataset documenting GBV (gender-based violence) institutions from 1970–2017, we analyze the field's characteristics and stakeholder interactions over time. We focus particularly on hybrid patterns of service provision between government bodies and women's NGOs. We argue that neoliberal institutionalization and professionalization prompted the devaluation and underfunding of women's work in this sector while erasing feminist knowledge about GBV. The hybrid model, initially designed to support grassroots initiatives, has enabled for-profit organizations to compete for limited state resources through social service procurement.

Over the past decade, there has been a surge in domestic violence (DV) against Arab women in Israel, with their representation as victims exceeding their percentage of the population. Despite increased public discourse about DV, the state's efforts to combat the problem have exhibited notable gaps, raising questions about institutional understandings of women's needs and the inadequacy of location-specific policies. Through semi-structured interviews with female Arab police officers (FAPOs) in Israel, this article explores their subjective perspectives, including their perceptions of the roles they play vis-à-vis Arab women experiencing DV and the institutional barriers that exist to cultural responsiveness when serving Arab women.

Since 1991, Israel has enacted legislation to prevent family violence and established centers providing therapeutic and prevention services (CPDVs). However, there is limited research on how social workers interpret and implement the goals of this legislation. This study investigates social workers’ perceptions and responses to intimate partner violence (IPV) survivors within welfare services. Through in-depth interviews with fifty social workers handling IPV cases, our analysis identified two key findings. First, social workers’ primary response focuses on therapeutic interventions, which frequently overlook survivors’ immediate safety needs and legal rights. Second, often they adopt a gender-symmetrical approach to IPV, questioning the credibility of women's reports. A common thread of suspicion toward IPV survivors connects both findings, highlighting how social workers’ skepticism may unintentionally undermine efforts to prevent IPV.

This article focuses on the experiences of young Arab-Palestinian women in Israel who use feminist services. The mixed-method longitudinal study followed participants in a feminist support program from 2019 to 2022 and uses both qualitative and quantitative analysis to examine the development of feminist awareness and its associations with family and personal risks. The results reveal that increased feminist awareness is associated with greater family risk, reflecting the inherent tensions between feminist empowerment and patriarchal social structures. Participants struggled to reconcile their newfound feminist identities with family expectations and societal constraints. The discussion situates these findings within broader sociopolitical and cultural frameworks and describes the adaptive potential of culturally contextualized Western feminist practices in traditional societies.

We bring a combined six decades of research on gender-based violence to our roles as co-editors of this special issue. Dalit Yassour-Borochowitz is a feminist social work researcher who has studied for over three decades issues related to intimate violence against women, ethics, and gender in the labor market (Benjamin, Yassour-Borochowitz, and Barzilay 2024; Yassour-Borochowitz 2003, 2012; Yassour-Borochowitz and Wasserman 2018). She currently serves as head of the department of social work at Yezreel College, Israel. Madelaine Adelman is an anthropologist and sociolegal scholar whose research centers on the politics of domestic violence (Adelman 2017). Motivated by the possibilities of social change inherent in people working together toward a shared goal, she integrates community-based advocacy into her research on gender-based violence in families and schools (Adelman, Liou et al. 2024; Adelman, Rosenberg et al. 2016; Adelman and Semprevivo 2024). Together, drawing on our expertise in Israel and beyond, we developed the focus for the special issue: to amplify the voices of established as well as emerging scholars and activists engaged in studying and organizing against various forms of gender-based violence in Israel.

This study examines the proliferation and expansion of governmental and nongovernmental institutions addressing gender-based violence in Israel under neoliberal policies since the mid-1980s. Using longitudinal data from our original WPA-IL (women's policy agencies) dataset documenting GBV (gender-based violence) institutions from 1970–2017, we analyze the field's characteristics and stakeholder interactions over time. We focus particularly on hybrid patterns of service provision between government bodies and women's NGOs. We argue that neoliberal institutionalization and professionalization prompted the devaluation and underfunding of women's work in this sector while erasing feminist knowledge about GBV. The hybrid model, initially designed to support grassroots initiatives, has enabled for-profit organizations to compete for limited state resources through social service procurement.

Over the past decade, there has been a surge in domestic violence (DV) against Arab women in Israel, with their representation as victims exceeding their percentage of the population. Despite increased public discourse about DV, the state's efforts to combat the problem have exhibited notable gaps, raising questions about institutional understandings of women's needs and the inadequacy of location-specific policies. Through semi-structured interviews with female Arab police officers (FAPOs) in Israel, this article explores their subjective perspectives, including their perceptions of the roles they play vis-à-vis Arab women experiencing DV and the institutional barriers that exist to cultural responsiveness when serving Arab women.

Since 1991, Israel has enacted legislation to prevent family violence and established centers providing therapeutic and prevention services (CPDVs). However, there is limited research on how social workers interpret and implement the goals of this legislation. This study investigates social workers’ perceptions and responses to intimate partner violence (IPV) survivors within welfare services. Through in-depth interviews with fifty social workers handling IPV cases, our analysis identified two key findings. First, social workers’ primary response focuses on therapeutic interventions, which frequently overlook survivors’ immediate safety needs and legal rights. Second, often they adopt a gender-symmetrical approach to IPV, questioning the credibility of women's reports. A common thread of suspicion toward IPV survivors connects both findings, highlighting how social workers’ skepticism may unintentionally undermine efforts to prevent IPV.

This article focuses on the experiences of young Arab-Palestinian women in Israel who use feminist services. The mixed-method longitudinal study followed participants in a feminist support program from 2019 to 2022 and uses both qualitative and quantitative analysis to examine the development of feminist awareness and its associations with family and personal risks. The results reveal that increased feminist awareness is associated with greater family risk, reflecting the inherent tensions between feminist empowerment and patriarchal social structures. Participants struggled to reconcile their newfound feminist identities with family expectations and societal constraints. The discussion situates these findings within broader sociopolitical and cultural frameworks and describes the adaptive potential of culturally contextualized Western feminist practices in traditional societies.

This article examines the red flags in a short-supervised acquaintance (shidduch) before marriage, identified in retrospect by Haredi women, who were victims to Intimate Partner Violence (IPV). The research included thirteen in-depth interviews conducted with women which focused on the pre-marriage period in order to analyze the unique relationship red flags in the Haredi community. The research findings suggest that even within a short and supervised acquaintance, it is possible to identify red flags for IPV that are known from the literature and can be interpreted in the Haredi context. Alongside, there are additional warning signs that are difficult to identify in relation to Haredi society and its characteristics and therefore constitute both warning signs and barriers that prevent early identification of the problem. Raising awareness of the identification of warning signs within an organized and supervised process, such as matchmaking, will allow for a reduction in entry into violent relationships.

We bring a combined six decades of research on gender-based violence to our roles as co-editors of this special issue. Dalit Yassour-Borochowitz is a feminist social work researcher who has studied for over three decades issues related to intimate violence against women, ethics, and gender in the labor market (Benjamin, Yassour-Borochowitz, and Barzilay 2024; Yassour-Borochowitz 2003, 2012; Yassour-Borochowitz and Wasserman 2018). She currently serves as head of the department of social work at Yezreel College, Israel. Madelaine Adelman is an anthropologist and sociolegal scholar whose research centers on the politics of domestic violence (Adelman 2017). Motivated by the possibilities of social change inherent in people working together toward a shared goal, she integrates community-based advocacy into her research on gender-based violence in families and schools (Adelman, Liou et al. 2024; Adelman, Rosenberg et al. 2016; Adelman and Semprevivo 2024). Together, drawing on our expertise in Israel and beyond, we developed the focus for the special issue: to amplify the voices of established as well as emerging scholars and activists engaged in studying and organizing against various forms of gender-based violence in Israel.

This study examines the proliferation and expansion of governmental and nongovernmental institutions addressing gender-based violence in Israel under neoliberal policies since the mid-1980s. Using longitudinal data from our original WPA-IL (women's policy agencies) dataset documenting GBV (gender-based violence) institutions from 1970–2017, we analyze the field's characteristics and stakeholder interactions over time. We focus particularly on hybrid patterns of service provision between government bodies and women's NGOs. We argue that neoliberal institutionalization and professionalization prompted the devaluation and underfunding of women's work in this sector while erasing feminist knowledge about GBV. The hybrid model, initially designed to support grassroots initiatives, has enabled for-profit organizations to compete for limited state resources through social service procurement.

Over the past decade, there has been a surge in domestic violence (DV) against Arab women in Israel, with their representation as victims exceeding their percentage of the population. Despite increased public discourse about DV, the state's efforts to combat the problem have exhibited notable gaps, raising questions about institutional understandings of women's needs and the inadequacy of location-specific policies. Through semi-structured interviews with female Arab police officers (FAPOs) in Israel, this article explores their subjective perspectives, including their perceptions of the roles they play vis-à-vis Arab women experiencing DV and the institutional barriers that exist to cultural responsiveness when serving Arab women.

Since 1991, Israel has enacted legislation to prevent family violence and established centers providing therapeutic and prevention services (CPDVs). However, there is limited research on how social workers interpret and implement the goals of this legislation. This study investigates social workers’ perceptions and responses to intimate partner violence (IPV) survivors within welfare services. Through in-depth interviews with fifty social workers handling IPV cases, our analysis identified two key findings. First, social workers’ primary response focuses on therapeutic interventions, which frequently overlook survivors’ immediate safety needs and legal rights. Second, often they adopt a gender-symmetrical approach to IPV, questioning the credibility of women's reports. A common thread of suspicion toward IPV survivors connects both findings, highlighting how social workers’ skepticism may unintentionally undermine efforts to prevent IPV.

This article focuses on the experiences of young Arab-Palestinian women in Israel who use feminist services. The mixed-method longitudinal study followed participants in a feminist support program from 2019 to 2022 and uses both qualitative and quantitative analysis to examine the development of feminist awareness and its associations with family and personal risks. The results reveal that increased feminist awareness is associated with greater family risk, reflecting the inherent tensions between feminist empowerment and patriarchal social structures. Participants struggled to reconcile their newfound feminist identities with family expectations and societal constraints. The discussion situates these findings within broader sociopolitical and cultural frameworks and describes the adaptive potential of culturally contextualized Western feminist practices in traditional societies.

This article examines the red flags in a short-supervised acquaintance (shidduch) before marriage, identified in retrospect by Haredi women, who were victims to Intimate Partner Violence (IPV). The research included thirteen in-depth interviews conducted with women which focused on the pre-marriage period in order to analyze the unique relationship red flags in the Haredi community. The research findings suggest that even within a short and supervised acquaintance, it is possible to identify red flags for IPV that are known from the literature and can be interpreted in the Haredi context. Alongside, there are additional warning signs that are difficult to identify in relation to Haredi society and its characteristics and therefore constitute both warning signs and barriers that prevent early identification of the problem. Raising awareness of the identification of warning signs within an organized and supervised process, such as matchmaking, will allow for a reduction in entry into violent relationships.

This qualitative phenomenological study examines violence against male pupils at ultra-Orthodox yeshivas (Jewish religious schools) in Israel who deviate from accepted norms of Torah study. We interviewed thirty-five youths who reflected on their experiences in educational, communal, and domestic settings. Our findings reveal that participants who failed to conform to the scholarly standards of their yeshivas were devalued, sanctioned, and socially, emotionally, and physically abused by authoritative figures. The boys’ coping strategies included engaging in risky behaviors, experiencing a decline in faith and religious practice, and changing their lifestyles and social identifications. The study attests to the importance of further examining the relationship between religion, gender policing, and violence against boys.

We bring a combined six decades of research on gender-based violence to our roles as co-editors of this special issue. Dalit Yassour-Borochowitz is a feminist social work researcher who has studied for over three decades issues related to intimate violence against women, ethics, and gender in the labor market (Benjamin, Yassour-Borochowitz, and Barzilay 2024; Yassour-Borochowitz 2003, 2012; Yassour-Borochowitz and Wasserman 2018). She currently serves as head of the department of social work at Yezreel College, Israel. Madelaine Adelman is an anthropologist and sociolegal scholar whose research centers on the politics of domestic violence (Adelman 2017). Motivated by the possibilities of social change inherent in people working together toward a shared goal, she integrates community-based advocacy into her research on gender-based violence in families and schools (Adelman, Liou et al. 2024; Adelman, Rosenberg et al. 2016; Adelman and Semprevivo 2024). Together, drawing on our expertise in Israel and beyond, we developed the focus for the special issue: to amplify the voices of established as well as emerging scholars and activists engaged in studying and organizing against various forms of gender-based violence in Israel.

This study examines the proliferation and expansion of governmental and nongovernmental institutions addressing gender-based violence in Israel under neoliberal policies since the mid-1980s. Using longitudinal data from our original WPA-IL (women's policy agencies) dataset documenting GBV (gender-based violence) institutions from 1970–2017, we analyze the field's characteristics and stakeholder interactions over time. We focus particularly on hybrid patterns of service provision between government bodies and women's NGOs. We argue that neoliberal institutionalization and professionalization prompted the devaluation and underfunding of women's work in this sector while erasing feminist knowledge about GBV. The hybrid model, initially designed to support grassroots initiatives, has enabled for-profit organizations to compete for limited state resources through social service procurement.

Over the past decade, there has been a surge in domestic violence (DV) against Arab women in Israel, with their representation as victims exceeding their percentage of the population. Despite increased public discourse about DV, the state's efforts to combat the problem have exhibited notable gaps, raising questions about institutional understandings of women's needs and the inadequacy of location-specific policies. Through semi-structured interviews with female Arab police officers (FAPOs) in Israel, this article explores their subjective perspectives, including their perceptions of the roles they play vis-à-vis Arab women experiencing DV and the institutional barriers that exist to cultural responsiveness when serving Arab women.

Since 1991, Israel has enacted legislation to prevent family violence and established centers providing therapeutic and prevention services (CPDVs). However, there is limited research on how social workers interpret and implement the goals of this legislation. This study investigates social workers’ perceptions and responses to intimate partner violence (IPV) survivors within welfare services. Through in-depth interviews with fifty social workers handling IPV cases, our analysis identified two key findings. First, social workers’ primary response focuses on therapeutic interventions, which frequently overlook survivors’ immediate safety needs and legal rights. Second, often they adopt a gender-symmetrical approach to IPV, questioning the credibility of women's reports. A common thread of suspicion toward IPV survivors connects both findings, highlighting how social workers’ skepticism may unintentionally undermine efforts to prevent IPV.

This article focuses on the experiences of young Arab-Palestinian women in Israel who use feminist services. The mixed-method longitudinal study followed participants in a feminist support program from 2019 to 2022 and uses both qualitative and quantitative analysis to examine the development of feminist awareness and its associations with family and personal risks. The results reveal that increased feminist awareness is associated with greater family risk, reflecting the inherent tensions between feminist empowerment and patriarchal social structures. Participants struggled to reconcile their newfound feminist identities with family expectations and societal constraints. The discussion situates these findings within broader sociopolitical and cultural frameworks and describes the adaptive potential of culturally contextualized Western feminist practices in traditional societies.

This article examines the red flags in a short-supervised acquaintance (shidduch) before marriage, identified in retrospect by Haredi women, who were victims to Intimate Partner Violence (IPV). The research included thirteen in-depth interviews conducted with women which focused on the pre-marriage period in order to analyze the unique relationship red flags in the Haredi community. The research findings suggest that even within a short and supervised acquaintance, it is possible to identify red flags for IPV that are known from the literature and can be interpreted in the Haredi context. Alongside, there are additional warning signs that are difficult to identify in relation to Haredi society and its characteristics and therefore constitute both warning signs and barriers that prevent early identification of the problem. Raising awareness of the identification of warning signs within an organized and supervised process, such as matchmaking, will allow for a reduction in entry into violent relationships.

This qualitative phenomenological study examines violence against male pupils at ultra-Orthodox yeshivas (Jewish religious schools) in Israel who deviate from accepted norms of Torah study. We interviewed thirty-five youths who reflected on their experiences in educational, communal, and domestic settings. Our findings reveal that participants who failed to conform to the scholarly standards of their yeshivas were devalued, sanctioned, and socially, emotionally, and physically abused by authoritative figures. The boys’ coping strategies included engaging in risky behaviors, experiencing a decline in faith and religious practice, and changing their lifestyles and social identifications. The study attests to the importance of further examining the relationship between religion, gender policing, and violence against boys.

Ilana Kwartin, Imprisoned: Women in Extreme Controlling Relationships—A Key to Understanding a Hidden Phenomenon, 2nd ed. [Hebrew] (Israel: Alo-Et, 2022), 254 pp. 82 NIS (softcover); 65 NIS (ebook). Also published in English as Imprisoned: Coercive Control in Relationships (2023).

The months since October 7, 2023, have been the most trying for Israel Studies in recent memory. Even at the best of times, one would be hard-pressed to find areas of study that provoke more heated controversies. The ricochets of October 7th and its aftermath, however, have transformed the academic environment to the extent that those seeking dispassionate knowledge about Israel are often left wanting.

The months since October 7, 2023, have been the most trying for Israel Studies in recent memory. Even at the best of times, one would be hard-pressed to find areas of study that provoke more heated controversies. The ricochets of October 7th and its aftermath, however, have transformed the academic environment to the extent that those seeking dispassionate knowledge about Israel are often left wanting.

The aftermath of the 7 October Hamas attack on Israel has seen a sharp increase in boycott initiatives against Israeli academic institutions and scholars. In response, the Samuel Neaman Institute for National Policy Studies has launched the Scholar Shield Project, which aims to collect data on the academic boycott and divestment phenomenon, analyze it, and provide recommendations on how to counter it (Neaman Institute 2024).

The months since October 7, 2023, have been the most trying for Israel Studies in recent memory. Even at the best of times, one would be hard-pressed to find areas of study that provoke more heated controversies. The ricochets of October 7th and its aftermath, however, have transformed the academic environment to the extent that those seeking dispassionate knowledge about Israel are often left wanting.

The aftermath of the 7 October Hamas attack on Israel has seen a sharp increase in boycott initiatives against Israeli academic institutions and scholars. In response, the Samuel Neaman Institute for National Policy Studies has launched the Scholar Shield Project, which aims to collect data on the academic boycott and divestment phenomenon, analyze it, and provide recommendations on how to counter it (Neaman Institute 2024).

The profound impact of the 7 October attack in Israel, which resulted in 1,200 casualties, the kidnapping of 252 civilians, sexual and gender-based violence, and the displacement of thousands from localities surrounding Gaza (Human Rights Council 2024), significantly altered the sociopolitical landscape. Following that attack, Israel launched a harsh and aggressive military war in Gaza, resulting in the deaths of thousands of children, women, and innocent civilians, the displacement of about two million Palestinians, the arrests of thousands who underwent severe torture, and the destruction of hundreds of cultural, health, education, and religious institutions and created an ongoing humanitarian crisis (UNCTD 2024).

The months since October 7, 2023, have been the most trying for Israel Studies in recent memory. Even at the best of times, one would be hard-pressed to find areas of study that provoke more heated controversies. The ricochets of October 7th and its aftermath, however, have transformed the academic environment to the extent that those seeking dispassionate knowledge about Israel are often left wanting.

The aftermath of the 7 October Hamas attack on Israel has seen a sharp increase in boycott initiatives against Israeli academic institutions and scholars. In response, the Samuel Neaman Institute for National Policy Studies has launched the Scholar Shield Project, which aims to collect data on the academic boycott and divestment phenomenon, analyze it, and provide recommendations on how to counter it (Neaman Institute 2024).

The profound impact of the 7 October attack in Israel, which resulted in 1,200 casualties, the kidnapping of 252 civilians, sexual and gender-based violence, and the displacement of thousands from localities surrounding Gaza (Human Rights Council 2024), significantly altered the sociopolitical landscape. Following that attack, Israel launched a harsh and aggressive military war in Gaza, resulting in the deaths of thousands of children, women, and innocent civilians, the displacement of about two million Palestinians, the arrests of thousands who underwent severe torture, and the destruction of hundreds of cultural, health, education, and religious institutions and created an ongoing humanitarian crisis (UNCTD 2024).

The outbreak of campus protests after the Hamas attack on Israel on 7 October 2023 intensified the debate regarding Israel on campus. Protests organized by Students for Justice in Palestine and other groups sometimes disrupted academic operations and were sporadically accompanied by violent incidents. In a recent survey of Jewish students, Eitan Hersh (2024) found that Jewish students reported that between April 2022 and November/December 2023, there was an increase in the perceived cost of working with Jewish organizations, taking part in Jewish activities, or simply revealing that they were Jewish.

The months since October 7, 2023, have been the most trying for Israel Studies in recent memory. Even at the best of times, one would be hard-pressed to find areas of study that provoke more heated controversies. The ricochets of October 7th and its aftermath, however, have transformed the academic environment to the extent that those seeking dispassionate knowledge about Israel are often left wanting.

The aftermath of the 7 October Hamas attack on Israel has seen a sharp increase in boycott initiatives against Israeli academic institutions and scholars. In response, the Samuel Neaman Institute for National Policy Studies has launched the Scholar Shield Project, which aims to collect data on the academic boycott and divestment phenomenon, analyze it, and provide recommendations on how to counter it (Neaman Institute 2024).

The profound impact of the 7 October attack in Israel, which resulted in 1,200 casualties, the kidnapping of 252 civilians, sexual and gender-based violence, and the displacement of thousands from localities surrounding Gaza (Human Rights Council 2024), significantly altered the sociopolitical landscape. Following that attack, Israel launched a harsh and aggressive military war in Gaza, resulting in the deaths of thousands of children, women, and innocent civilians, the displacement of about two million Palestinians, the arrests of thousands who underwent severe torture, and the destruction of hundreds of cultural, health, education, and religious institutions and created an ongoing humanitarian crisis (UNCTD 2024).

The outbreak of campus protests after the Hamas attack on Israel on 7 October 2023 intensified the debate regarding Israel on campus. Protests organized by Students for Justice in Palestine and other groups sometimes disrupted academic operations and were sporadically accompanied by violent incidents. In a recent survey of Jewish students, Eitan Hersh (2024) found that Jewish students reported that between April 2022 and November/December 2023, there was an increase in the perceived cost of working with Jewish organizations, taking part in Jewish activities, or simply revealing that they were Jewish.

They taught us not to ask the “good” questions. “You were asking a ‘bad question,’” I have often been told. What is a “bad” question? It is equivalent to the saying “it is more complex than you think.” They taught us not to ask what seems the most obvious to ask. For instance, why on TV, do they show war and all you see there is men [in uniform]? Why, is this war not ours as well?

—Daphna Golan-Agnon, Next Year in Jerusalem

The months since October 7, 2023, have been the most trying for Israel Studies in recent memory. Even at the best of times, one would be hard-pressed to find areas of study that provoke more heated controversies. The ricochets of October 7th and its aftermath, however, have transformed the academic environment to the extent that those seeking dispassionate knowledge about Israel are often left wanting.

The aftermath of the 7 October Hamas attack on Israel has seen a sharp increase in boycott initiatives against Israeli academic institutions and scholars. In response, the Samuel Neaman Institute for National Policy Studies has launched the Scholar Shield Project, which aims to collect data on the academic boycott and divestment phenomenon, analyze it, and provide recommendations on how to counter it (Neaman Institute 2024).

The profound impact of the 7 October attack in Israel, which resulted in 1,200 casualties, the kidnapping of 252 civilians, sexual and gender-based violence, and the displacement of thousands from localities surrounding Gaza (Human Rights Council 2024), significantly altered the sociopolitical landscape. Following that attack, Israel launched a harsh and aggressive military war in Gaza, resulting in the deaths of thousands of children, women, and innocent civilians, the displacement of about two million Palestinians, the arrests of thousands who underwent severe torture, and the destruction of hundreds of cultural, health, education, and religious institutions and created an ongoing humanitarian crisis (UNCTD 2024).

The outbreak of campus protests after the Hamas attack on Israel on 7 October 2023 intensified the debate regarding Israel on campus. Protests organized by Students for Justice in Palestine and other groups sometimes disrupted academic operations and were sporadically accompanied by violent incidents. In a recent survey of Jewish students, Eitan Hersh (2024) found that Jewish students reported that between April 2022 and November/December 2023, there was an increase in the perceived cost of working with Jewish organizations, taking part in Jewish activities, or simply revealing that they were Jewish.

They taught us not to ask the “good” questions. “You were asking a ‘bad question,’” I have often been told. What is a “bad” question? It is equivalent to the saying “it is more complex than you think.” They taught us not to ask what seems the most obvious to ask. For instance, why on TV, do they show war and all you see there is men [in uniform]? Why, is this war not ours as well?

—Daphna Golan-Agnon, Next Year in Jerusalem

The prevailing assumption in the media discourse is that on 7 October, Israel was taken by surprise when Hamas squads launched an attack on the Gaza–Israel border. This event challenged the intelligence community's perception that Hamas had been effectively deterred. It also raised questions about the efficacy of border defenses backed by technological systems. To better understand the origins of these perceptions and the failures they created, it is necessary to delve into the unique role of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) in Israeli politics.

The months since October 7, 2023, have been the most trying for Israel Studies in recent memory. Even at the best of times, one would be hard-pressed to find areas of study that provoke more heated controversies. The ricochets of October 7th and its aftermath, however, have transformed the academic environment to the extent that those seeking dispassionate knowledge about Israel are often left wanting.

The aftermath of the 7 October Hamas attack on Israel has seen a sharp increase in boycott initiatives against Israeli academic institutions and scholars. In response, the Samuel Neaman Institute for National Policy Studies has launched the Scholar Shield Project, which aims to collect data on the academic boycott and divestment phenomenon, analyze it, and provide recommendations on how to counter it (Neaman Institute 2024).

The profound impact of the 7 October attack in Israel, which resulted in 1,200 casualties, the kidnapping of 252 civilians, sexual and gender-based violence, and the displacement of thousands from localities surrounding Gaza (Human Rights Council 2024), significantly altered the sociopolitical landscape. Following that attack, Israel launched a harsh and aggressive military war in Gaza, resulting in the deaths of thousands of children, women, and innocent civilians, the displacement of about two million Palestinians, the arrests of thousands who underwent severe torture, and the destruction of hundreds of cultural, health, education, and religious institutions and created an ongoing humanitarian crisis (UNCTD 2024).

The outbreak of campus protests after the Hamas attack on Israel on 7 October 2023 intensified the debate regarding Israel on campus. Protests organized by Students for Justice in Palestine and other groups sometimes disrupted academic operations and were sporadically accompanied by violent incidents. In a recent survey of Jewish students, Eitan Hersh (2024) found that Jewish students reported that between April 2022 and November/December 2023, there was an increase in the perceived cost of working with Jewish organizations, taking part in Jewish activities, or simply revealing that they were Jewish.

They taught us not to ask the “good” questions. “You were asking a ‘bad question,’” I have often been told. What is a “bad” question? It is equivalent to the saying “it is more complex than you think.” They taught us not to ask what seems the most obvious to ask. For instance, why on TV, do they show war and all you see there is men [in uniform]? Why, is this war not ours as well?

—Daphna Golan-Agnon, Next Year in Jerusalem

The prevailing assumption in the media discourse is that on 7 October, Israel was taken by surprise when Hamas squads launched an attack on the Gaza–Israel border. This event challenged the intelligence community's perception that Hamas had been effectively deterred. It also raised questions about the efficacy of border defenses backed by technological systems. To better understand the origins of these perceptions and the failures they created, it is necessary to delve into the unique role of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) in Israeli politics.

A week after 7 October 2023, various visual-art initiatives began to awaken in a quest for self-expression. A torrent of images started to flood the network, their modes of expression and non-expression as varied as were the voices and identities. Some artists plunged into shock and silence, others found comfort in artmaking, and yet others turned their concern toward the Other through art or other media. Some responses were personal and spontaneous, while others answered calls from art associations and institutions. Ad hoc groups for and of abductees’ families organized, viewing visual language not only as a form of expression but also, and primarily, as a political instrument to influence policymakers and domestic and global public opinion.

The months since October 7, 2023, have been the most trying for Israel Studies in recent memory. Even at the best of times, one would be hard-pressed to find areas of study that provoke more heated controversies. The ricochets of October 7th and its aftermath, however, have transformed the academic environment to the extent that those seeking dispassionate knowledge about Israel are often left wanting.

The aftermath of the 7 October Hamas attack on Israel has seen a sharp increase in boycott initiatives against Israeli academic institutions and scholars. In response, the Samuel Neaman Institute for National Policy Studies has launched the Scholar Shield Project, which aims to collect data on the academic boycott and divestment phenomenon, analyze it, and provide recommendations on how to counter it (Neaman Institute 2024).

The profound impact of the 7 October attack in Israel, which resulted in 1,200 casualties, the kidnapping of 252 civilians, sexual and gender-based violence, and the displacement of thousands from localities surrounding Gaza (Human Rights Council 2024), significantly altered the sociopolitical landscape. Following that attack, Israel launched a harsh and aggressive military war in Gaza, resulting in the deaths of thousands of children, women, and innocent civilians, the displacement of about two million Palestinians, the arrests of thousands who underwent severe torture, and the destruction of hundreds of cultural, health, education, and religious institutions and created an ongoing humanitarian crisis (UNCTD 2024).

The outbreak of campus protests after the Hamas attack on Israel on 7 October 2023 intensified the debate regarding Israel on campus. Protests organized by Students for Justice in Palestine and other groups sometimes disrupted academic operations and were sporadically accompanied by violent incidents. In a recent survey of Jewish students, Eitan Hersh (2024) found that Jewish students reported that between April 2022 and November/December 2023, there was an increase in the perceived cost of working with Jewish organizations, taking part in Jewish activities, or simply revealing that they were Jewish.

They taught us not to ask the “good” questions. “You were asking a ‘bad question,’” I have often been told. What is a “bad” question? It is equivalent to the saying “it is more complex than you think.” They taught us not to ask what seems the most obvious to ask. For instance, why on TV, do they show war and all you see there is men [in uniform]? Why, is this war not ours as well?

—Daphna Golan-Agnon, Next Year in Jerusalem

The prevailing assumption in the media discourse is that on 7 October, Israel was taken by surprise when Hamas squads launched an attack on the Gaza–Israel border. This event challenged the intelligence community's perception that Hamas had been effectively deterred. It also raised questions about the efficacy of border defenses backed by technological systems. To better understand the origins of these perceptions and the failures they created, it is necessary to delve into the unique role of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) in Israeli politics.

A week after 7 October 2023, various visual-art initiatives began to awaken in a quest for self-expression. A torrent of images started to flood the network, their modes of expression and non-expression as varied as were the voices and identities. Some artists plunged into shock and silence, others found comfort in artmaking, and yet others turned their concern toward the Other through art or other media. Some responses were personal and spontaneous, while others answered calls from art associations and institutions. Ad hoc groups for and of abductees’ families organized, viewing visual language not only as a form of expression but also, and primarily, as a political instrument to influence policymakers and domestic and global public opinion.

The limited literature on populism in Israel allows for an examination of the conceptual debate on populism's practical implications. By employing a contemporary conceptualization of populism to the case of Israel, this article examines the conventional wisdom classifying Menachem Begin and Benjamin Netanyahu as populists. The article utilizes a multimethod analysis combining content analysis and comparative case studies, analyzing the rhetoric and policymaking of both leaders. The content analysis reveals that Begin exhibited a relatively low degree of populism, a characteristic similarly observed in the early years of Netanyahu's leadership. However, a comprehensive evaluation of their policies and legislative actions highlights a significant divergence. Begin consistently adhered to liberal democratic principles, while Netanyahu's illiberal tendencies were evident from his first term in office. The findings further indicate that Netanyahu's populism progressively intensified throughout his tenure, particularly gaining momentum after 2015.

The months since October 7, 2023, have been the most trying for Israel Studies in recent memory. Even at the best of times, one would be hard-pressed to find areas of study that provoke more heated controversies. The ricochets of October 7th and its aftermath, however, have transformed the academic environment to the extent that those seeking dispassionate knowledge about Israel are often left wanting.

The aftermath of the 7 October Hamas attack on Israel has seen a sharp increase in boycott initiatives against Israeli academic institutions and scholars. In response, the Samuel Neaman Institute for National Policy Studies has launched the Scholar Shield Project, which aims to collect data on the academic boycott and divestment phenomenon, analyze it, and provide recommendations on how to counter it (Neaman Institute 2024).

The profound impact of the 7 October attack in Israel, which resulted in 1,200 casualties, the kidnapping of 252 civilians, sexual and gender-based violence, and the displacement of thousands from localities surrounding Gaza (Human Rights Council 2024), significantly altered the sociopolitical landscape. Following that attack, Israel launched a harsh and aggressive military war in Gaza, resulting in the deaths of thousands of children, women, and innocent civilians, the displacement of about two million Palestinians, the arrests of thousands who underwent severe torture, and the destruction of hundreds of cultural, health, education, and religious institutions and created an ongoing humanitarian crisis (UNCTD 2024).

The outbreak of campus protests after the Hamas attack on Israel on 7 October 2023 intensified the debate regarding Israel on campus. Protests organized by Students for Justice in Palestine and other groups sometimes disrupted academic operations and were sporadically accompanied by violent incidents. In a recent survey of Jewish students, Eitan Hersh (2024) found that Jewish students reported that between April 2022 and November/December 2023, there was an increase in the perceived cost of working with Jewish organizations, taking part in Jewish activities, or simply revealing that they were Jewish.

They taught us not to ask the “good” questions. “You were asking a ‘bad question,’” I have often been told. What is a “bad” question? It is equivalent to the saying “it is more complex than you think.” They taught us not to ask what seems the most obvious to ask. For instance, why on TV, do they show war and all you see there is men [in uniform]? Why, is this war not ours as well?

—Daphna Golan-Agnon, Next Year in Jerusalem

The prevailing assumption in the media discourse is that on 7 October, Israel was taken by surprise when Hamas squads launched an attack on the Gaza–Israel border. This event challenged the intelligence community's perception that Hamas had been effectively deterred. It also raised questions about the efficacy of border defenses backed by technological systems. To better understand the origins of these perceptions and the failures they created, it is necessary to delve into the unique role of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) in Israeli politics.

A week after 7 October 2023, various visual-art initiatives began to awaken in a quest for self-expression. A torrent of images started to flood the network, their modes of expression and non-expression as varied as were the voices and identities. Some artists plunged into shock and silence, others found comfort in artmaking, and yet others turned their concern toward the Other through art or other media. Some responses were personal and spontaneous, while others answered calls from art associations and institutions. Ad hoc groups for and of abductees’ families organized, viewing visual language not only as a form of expression but also, and primarily, as a political instrument to influence policymakers and domestic and global public opinion.

The limited literature on populism in Israel allows for an examination of the conceptual debate on populism's practical implications. By employing a contemporary conceptualization of populism to the case of Israel, this article examines the conventional wisdom classifying Menachem Begin and Benjamin Netanyahu as populists. The article utilizes a multimethod analysis combining content analysis and comparative case studies, analyzing the rhetoric and policymaking of both leaders. The content analysis reveals that Begin exhibited a relatively low degree of populism, a characteristic similarly observed in the early years of Netanyahu's leadership. However, a comprehensive evaluation of their policies and legislative actions highlights a significant divergence. Begin consistently adhered to liberal democratic principles, while Netanyahu's illiberal tendencies were evident from his first term in office. The findings further indicate that Netanyahu's populism progressively intensified throughout his tenure, particularly gaining momentum after 2015.

At the establishment of the Israeli Air Force (IAF) in 1948, women served as pilots. In the mid-1950s, however, the IAF decided to remove women from flight training and ground all female pilots. That policy persisted until the High Court of Justice's ruling in the Alice Miller case (1995). This article narrates the experiences of women pilots before and after the IAF decision to ground women, demonstrating that the decision was based not on professional or security considerations but on patriarchal social attitudes; that the excluded pilots and trainees protested against their discrimination but were silenced; and that changes in IAF policy with respect to women pilots reflect broader attitudes about gender in Israeli society.

The months since October 7, 2023, have been the most trying for Israel Studies in recent memory. Even at the best of times, one would be hard-pressed to find areas of study that provoke more heated controversies. The ricochets of October 7th and its aftermath, however, have transformed the academic environment to the extent that those seeking dispassionate knowledge about Israel are often left wanting.

The aftermath of the 7 October Hamas attack on Israel has seen a sharp increase in boycott initiatives against Israeli academic institutions and scholars. In response, the Samuel Neaman Institute for National Policy Studies has launched the Scholar Shield Project, which aims to collect data on the academic boycott and divestment phenomenon, analyze it, and provide recommendations on how to counter it (Neaman Institute 2024).

The profound impact of the 7 October attack in Israel, which resulted in 1,200 casualties, the kidnapping of 252 civilians, sexual and gender-based violence, and the displacement of thousands from localities surrounding Gaza (Human Rights Council 2024), significantly altered the sociopolitical landscape. Following that attack, Israel launched a harsh and aggressive military war in Gaza, resulting in the deaths of thousands of children, women, and innocent civilians, the displacement of about two million Palestinians, the arrests of thousands who underwent severe torture, and the destruction of hundreds of cultural, health, education, and religious institutions and created an ongoing humanitarian crisis (UNCTD 2024).

The outbreak of campus protests after the Hamas attack on Israel on 7 October 2023 intensified the debate regarding Israel on campus. Protests organized by Students for Justice in Palestine and other groups sometimes disrupted academic operations and were sporadically accompanied by violent incidents. In a recent survey of Jewish students, Eitan Hersh (2024) found that Jewish students reported that between April 2022 and November/December 2023, there was an increase in the perceived cost of working with Jewish organizations, taking part in Jewish activities, or simply revealing that they were Jewish.

They taught us not to ask the “good” questions. “You were asking a ‘bad question,’” I have often been told. What is a “bad” question? It is equivalent to the saying “it is more complex than you think.” They taught us not to ask what seems the most obvious to ask. For instance, why on TV, do they show war and all you see there is men [in uniform]? Why, is this war not ours as well?

—Daphna Golan-Agnon, Next Year in Jerusalem

The prevailing assumption in the media discourse is that on 7 October, Israel was taken by surprise when Hamas squads launched an attack on the Gaza–Israel border. This event challenged the intelligence community's perception that Hamas had been effectively deterred. It also raised questions about the efficacy of border defenses backed by technological systems. To better understand the origins of these perceptions and the failures they created, it is necessary to delve into the unique role of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) in Israeli politics.

A week after 7 October 2023, various visual-art initiatives began to awaken in a quest for self-expression. A torrent of images started to flood the network, their modes of expression and non-expression as varied as were the voices and identities. Some artists plunged into shock and silence, others found comfort in artmaking, and yet others turned their concern toward the Other through art or other media. Some responses were personal and spontaneous, while others answered calls from art associations and institutions. Ad hoc groups for and of abductees’ families organized, viewing visual language not only as a form of expression but also, and primarily, as a political instrument to influence policymakers and domestic and global public opinion.

The limited literature on populism in Israel allows for an examination of the conceptual debate on populism's practical implications. By employing a contemporary conceptualization of populism to the case of Israel, this article examines the conventional wisdom classifying Menachem Begin and Benjamin Netanyahu as populists. The article utilizes a multimethod analysis combining content analysis and comparative case studies, analyzing the rhetoric and policymaking of both leaders. The content analysis reveals that Begin exhibited a relatively low degree of populism, a characteristic similarly observed in the early years of Netanyahu's leadership. However, a comprehensive evaluation of their policies and legislative actions highlights a significant divergence. Begin consistently adhered to liberal democratic principles, while Netanyahu's illiberal tendencies were evident from his first term in office. The findings further indicate that Netanyahu's populism progressively intensified throughout his tenure, particularly gaining momentum after 2015.

At the establishment of the Israeli Air Force (IAF) in 1948, women served as pilots. In the mid-1950s, however, the IAF decided to remove women from flight training and ground all female pilots. That policy persisted until the High Court of Justice's ruling in the Alice Miller case (1995). This article narrates the experiences of women pilots before and after the IAF decision to ground women, demonstrating that the decision was based not on professional or security considerations but on patriarchal social attitudes; that the excluded pilots and trainees protested against their discrimination but were silenced; and that changes in IAF policy with respect to women pilots reflect broader attitudes about gender in Israeli society.

Few researchers dealing with the restoration of a country's international image have explored the cognitive motivations of target audiences. Using relations between Israel and Poland as a case study, this article examines the extent to which an audience is attached to problematic history. The results of a survey measuring the attitudes of Israeli Jews toward Poland indicate that, while at first most respondents declared an interest only in deepening their historical knowledge of the country, as more detailed questions were asked, the same respondents revealed greater curiosity about contemporary Poland. This article explains the discrepancy by identifying two distinct strategies adopted by respondents: one that produces responses more consistent with mainstream sentiment, and one driven more by respondents’ personal interests. Examining the factors that determine declared and revealed preferences can enhance researchers’ understanding of how human interest is constructed while offering practitioners guidance in restoring a country's image.

The months since October 7, 2023, have been the most trying for Israel Studies in recent memory. Even at the best of times, one would be hard-pressed to find areas of study that provoke more heated controversies. The ricochets of October 7th and its aftermath, however, have transformed the academic environment to the extent that those seeking dispassionate knowledge about Israel are often left wanting.

The aftermath of the 7 October Hamas attack on Israel has seen a sharp increase in boycott initiatives against Israeli academic institutions and scholars. In response, the Samuel Neaman Institute for National Policy Studies has launched the Scholar Shield Project, which aims to collect data on the academic boycott and divestment phenomenon, analyze it, and provide recommendations on how to counter it (Neaman Institute 2024).

The profound impact of the 7 October attack in Israel, which resulted in 1,200 casualties, the kidnapping of 252 civilians, sexual and gender-based violence, and the displacement of thousands from localities surrounding Gaza (Human Rights Council 2024), significantly altered the sociopolitical landscape. Following that attack, Israel launched a harsh and aggressive military war in Gaza, resulting in the deaths of thousands of children, women, and innocent civilians, the displacement of about two million Palestinians, the arrests of thousands who underwent severe torture, and the destruction of hundreds of cultural, health, education, and religious institutions and created an ongoing humanitarian crisis (UNCTD 2024).

The outbreak of campus protests after the Hamas attack on Israel on 7 October 2023 intensified the debate regarding Israel on campus. Protests organized by Students for Justice in Palestine and other groups sometimes disrupted academic operations and were sporadically accompanied by violent incidents. In a recent survey of Jewish students, Eitan Hersh (2024) found that Jewish students reported that between April 2022 and November/December 2023, there was an increase in the perceived cost of working with Jewish organizations, taking part in Jewish activities, or simply revealing that they were Jewish.

They taught us not to ask the “good” questions. “You were asking a ‘bad question,’” I have often been told. What is a “bad” question? It is equivalent to the saying “it is more complex than you think.” They taught us not to ask what seems the most obvious to ask. For instance, why on TV, do they show war and all you see there is men [in uniform]? Why, is this war not ours as well?

—Daphna Golan-Agnon, Next Year in Jerusalem

The prevailing assumption in the media discourse is that on 7 October, Israel was taken by surprise when Hamas squads launched an attack on the Gaza–Israel border. This event challenged the intelligence community's perception that Hamas had been effectively deterred. It also raised questions about the efficacy of border defenses backed by technological systems. To better understand the origins of these perceptions and the failures they created, it is necessary to delve into the unique role of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) in Israeli politics.

A week after 7 October 2023, various visual-art initiatives began to awaken in a quest for self-expression. A torrent of images started to flood the network, their modes of expression and non-expression as varied as were the voices and identities. Some artists plunged into shock and silence, others found comfort in artmaking, and yet others turned their concern toward the Other through art or other media. Some responses were personal and spontaneous, while others answered calls from art associations and institutions. Ad hoc groups for and of abductees’ families organized, viewing visual language not only as a form of expression but also, and primarily, as a political instrument to influence policymakers and domestic and global public opinion.

The limited literature on populism in Israel allows for an examination of the conceptual debate on populism's practical implications. By employing a contemporary conceptualization of populism to the case of Israel, this article examines the conventional wisdom classifying Menachem Begin and Benjamin Netanyahu as populists. The article utilizes a multimethod analysis combining content analysis and comparative case studies, analyzing the rhetoric and policymaking of both leaders. The content analysis reveals that Begin exhibited a relatively low degree of populism, a characteristic similarly observed in the early years of Netanyahu's leadership. However, a comprehensive evaluation of their policies and legislative actions highlights a significant divergence. Begin consistently adhered to liberal democratic principles, while Netanyahu's illiberal tendencies were evident from his first term in office. The findings further indicate that Netanyahu's populism progressively intensified throughout his tenure, particularly gaining momentum after 2015.

At the establishment of the Israeli Air Force (IAF) in 1948, women served as pilots. In the mid-1950s, however, the IAF decided to remove women from flight training and ground all female pilots. That policy persisted until the High Court of Justice's ruling in the Alice Miller case (1995). This article narrates the experiences of women pilots before and after the IAF decision to ground women, demonstrating that the decision was based not on professional or security considerations but on patriarchal social attitudes; that the excluded pilots and trainees protested against their discrimination but were silenced; and that changes in IAF policy with respect to women pilots reflect broader attitudes about gender in Israeli society.

Few researchers dealing with the restoration of a country's international image have explored the cognitive motivations of target audiences. Using relations between Israel and Poland as a case study, this article examines the extent to which an audience is attached to problematic history. The results of a survey measuring the attitudes of Israeli Jews toward Poland indicate that, while at first most respondents declared an interest only in deepening their historical knowledge of the country, as more detailed questions were asked, the same respondents revealed greater curiosity about contemporary Poland. This article explains the discrepancy by identifying two distinct strategies adopted by respondents: one that produces responses more consistent with mainstream sentiment, and one driven more by respondents’ personal interests. Examining the factors that determine declared and revealed preferences can enhance researchers’ understanding of how human interest is constructed while offering practitioners guidance in restoring a country's image.

The surge of far-right populist leaders around the world has raised the question of whether they can be moderated through their participation in government—a matter of scholarly contention. This article examines the political arc of Naftali Bennett, a populist-nationalist politician who served as Israel's prime minister from June 2021 to June 2022. Until his unexpected ascension to the top political post, Bennett regularly employed populist Us vs. Them rhetoric while backing populist measures as a government minister that often put him at odds with the security establishment. Upon assuming the premiership, however, Bennett, following an instrumental logic, abandoned his polarizing rhetoric and embraced, instead, a statesmanlike approach to governing. The case of Bennett illustrates partial moderation undergone by a populist-nationalist politician's rise to power.

The months since October 7, 2023, have been the most trying for Israel Studies in recent memory. Even at the best of times, one would be hard-pressed to find areas of study that provoke more heated controversies. The ricochets of October 7th and its aftermath, however, have transformed the academic environment to the extent that those seeking dispassionate knowledge about Israel are often left wanting.

The aftermath of the 7 October Hamas attack on Israel has seen a sharp increase in boycott initiatives against Israeli academic institutions and scholars. In response, the Samuel Neaman Institute for National Policy Studies has launched the Scholar Shield Project, which aims to collect data on the academic boycott and divestment phenomenon, analyze it, and provide recommendations on how to counter it (Neaman Institute 2024).

The profound impact of the 7 October attack in Israel, which resulted in 1,200 casualties, the kidnapping of 252 civilians, sexual and gender-based violence, and the displacement of thousands from localities surrounding Gaza (Human Rights Council 2024), significantly altered the sociopolitical landscape. Following that attack, Israel launched a harsh and aggressive military war in Gaza, resulting in the deaths of thousands of children, women, and innocent civilians, the displacement of about two million Palestinians, the arrests of thousands who underwent severe torture, and the destruction of hundreds of cultural, health, education, and religious institutions and created an ongoing humanitarian crisis (UNCTD 2024).

The outbreak of campus protests after the Hamas attack on Israel on 7 October 2023 intensified the debate regarding Israel on campus. Protests organized by Students for Justice in Palestine and other groups sometimes disrupted academic operations and were sporadically accompanied by violent incidents. In a recent survey of Jewish students, Eitan Hersh (2024) found that Jewish students reported that between April 2022 and November/December 2023, there was an increase in the perceived cost of working with Jewish organizations, taking part in Jewish activities, or simply revealing that they were Jewish.

They taught us not to ask the “good” questions. “You were asking a ‘bad question,’” I have often been told. What is a “bad” question? It is equivalent to the saying “it is more complex than you think.” They taught us not to ask what seems the most obvious to ask. For instance, why on TV, do they show war and all you see there is men [in uniform]? Why, is this war not ours as well?

—Daphna Golan-Agnon, Next Year in Jerusalem

The prevailing assumption in the media discourse is that on 7 October, Israel was taken by surprise when Hamas squads launched an attack on the Gaza–Israel border. This event challenged the intelligence community's perception that Hamas had been effectively deterred. It also raised questions about the efficacy of border defenses backed by technological systems. To better understand the origins of these perceptions and the failures they created, it is necessary to delve into the unique role of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) in Israeli politics.

A week after 7 October 2023, various visual-art initiatives began to awaken in a quest for self-expression. A torrent of images started to flood the network, their modes of expression and non-expression as varied as were the voices and identities. Some artists plunged into shock and silence, others found comfort in artmaking, and yet others turned their concern toward the Other through art or other media. Some responses were personal and spontaneous, while others answered calls from art associations and institutions. Ad hoc groups for and of abductees’ families organized, viewing visual language not only as a form of expression but also, and primarily, as a political instrument to influence policymakers and domestic and global public opinion.

The limited literature on populism in Israel allows for an examination of the conceptual debate on populism's practical implications. By employing a contemporary conceptualization of populism to the case of Israel, this article examines the conventional wisdom classifying Menachem Begin and Benjamin Netanyahu as populists. The article utilizes a multimethod analysis combining content analysis and comparative case studies, analyzing the rhetoric and policymaking of both leaders. The content analysis reveals that Begin exhibited a relatively low degree of populism, a characteristic similarly observed in the early years of Netanyahu's leadership. However, a comprehensive evaluation of their policies and legislative actions highlights a significant divergence. Begin consistently adhered to liberal democratic principles, while Netanyahu's illiberal tendencies were evident from his first term in office. The findings further indicate that Netanyahu's populism progressively intensified throughout his tenure, particularly gaining momentum after 2015.

At the establishment of the Israeli Air Force (IAF) in 1948, women served as pilots. In the mid-1950s, however, the IAF decided to remove women from flight training and ground all female pilots. That policy persisted until the High Court of Justice's ruling in the Alice Miller case (1995). This article narrates the experiences of women pilots before and after the IAF decision to ground women, demonstrating that the decision was based not on professional or security considerations but on patriarchal social attitudes; that the excluded pilots and trainees protested against their discrimination but were silenced; and that changes in IAF policy with respect to women pilots reflect broader attitudes about gender in Israeli society.

Few researchers dealing with the restoration of a country's international image have explored the cognitive motivations of target audiences. Using relations between Israel and Poland as a case study, this article examines the extent to which an audience is attached to problematic history. The results of a survey measuring the attitudes of Israeli Jews toward Poland indicate that, while at first most respondents declared an interest only in deepening their historical knowledge of the country, as more detailed questions were asked, the same respondents revealed greater curiosity about contemporary Poland. This article explains the discrepancy by identifying two distinct strategies adopted by respondents: one that produces responses more consistent with mainstream sentiment, and one driven more by respondents’ personal interests. Examining the factors that determine declared and revealed preferences can enhance researchers’ understanding of how human interest is constructed while offering practitioners guidance in restoring a country's image.

The surge of far-right populist leaders around the world has raised the question of whether they can be moderated through their participation in government—a matter of scholarly contention. This article examines the political arc of Naftali Bennett, a populist-nationalist politician who served as Israel's prime minister from June 2021 to June 2022. Until his unexpected ascension to the top political post, Bennett regularly employed populist Us vs. Them rhetoric while backing populist measures as a government minister that often put him at odds with the security establishment. Upon assuming the premiership, however, Bennett, following an instrumental logic, abandoned his polarizing rhetoric and embraced, instead, a statesmanlike approach to governing. The case of Bennett illustrates partial moderation undergone by a populist-nationalist politician's rise to power.

Fromer, Yoav, and Ilan Peleg, eds. The Americanization of the Israeli Right (Tel Aviv: CSUS Press, Tel Aviv University, 2024) 369pp. Free.

Akirav, Osnat. Parliamentary Representation of Political Minorities: Arab Palestinian Legislators in Israel (Cham, Switzerland: Springer Nature, 2024). 292 pp., $129.99 (hardback).

Salamon, Hagar. Meat Matters: Ethnographic Refractions of the Beta Israel. (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2023). 152 pp., $30.00 (paperback).

Penslar, Derek. J. Zionism: An Emotional State (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2023). 321 pp., $27.95 (paperback).

Nikolenyi, Csaba. Party Switching in Israel: A Historical and Comparative Analysis (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2023). 239 pp., $34.95 (paperback).

In recent months, studying and publishing research on Israel has become more arduous than at any time in recent decades. Academic research is imperative to enhance understanding of Israel. The absence of scholarly research, in contrast, impoverishes knowledge about Israel, ultimately risking misinformed debates.

In recent months, studying and publishing research on Israel has become more arduous than at any time in recent decades. Academic research is imperative to enhance understanding of Israel. The absence of scholarly research, in contrast, impoverishes knowledge about Israel, ultimately risking misinformed debates.

The interview with Amos Eiran offers a first-hand account of clandestine talks between then-Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and King Hussein, between 1974 and 1977. Eiran, then the Director General of the Prime Minister's office (1975–1977), participated in most of the talks. His account offers unknown details, as well as reflections on why the talks did not lead to a breakthrough at that time. Eiran's account reflects a King Hussein who is confident, thoughtful, charming, and keenly aware of the internal and regional challenges Jordan faced at the time. Although not formally part of the process, the Nixon and Ford administrations kept a close watch, and maintained side contacts with the parties. Eiran's account also highlights the critical role of personal relations, trust, and confidence building in a conflict that was already decades old and had far-reaching regional and global strategic resonance.

In recent months, studying and publishing research on Israel has become more arduous than at any time in recent decades. Academic research is imperative to enhance understanding of Israel. The absence of scholarly research, in contrast, impoverishes knowledge about Israel, ultimately risking misinformed debates.

The interview with Amos Eiran offers a first-hand account of clandestine talks between then-Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and King Hussein, between 1974 and 1977. Eiran, then the Director General of the Prime Minister's office (1975–1977), participated in most of the talks. His account offers unknown details, as well as reflections on why the talks did not lead to a breakthrough at that time. Eiran's account reflects a King Hussein who is confident, thoughtful, charming, and keenly aware of the internal and regional challenges Jordan faced at the time. Although not formally part of the process, the Nixon and Ford administrations kept a close watch, and maintained side contacts with the parties. Eiran's account also highlights the critical role of personal relations, trust, and confidence building in a conflict that was already decades old and had far-reaching regional and global strategic resonance.

This article revisits the 1983 Israel-Lebanon Agreement using new archival material, mainly from the Israel State Archives, with three main goals. First, it demonstrates the centrality of the agreement for Israeli schemes in Lebanon and argues that Israeli demands during the negotiations shed new light on its decision to stay in Lebanon in June 1985, despite the government decision of January 1985 to withdraw to the international border. Second, it reconsiders Syria's ‘veto power’ over the agreement given Israel's objectives to establish a security zone in south Lebanon. Finally, by using new archival evidence, it completes our historical knowledge about the road to the agreement and its aftermath.

In recent months, studying and publishing research on Israel has become more arduous than at any time in recent decades. Academic research is imperative to enhance understanding of Israel. The absence of scholarly research, in contrast, impoverishes knowledge about Israel, ultimately risking misinformed debates.

The interview with Amos Eiran offers a first-hand account of clandestine talks between then-Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and King Hussein, between 1974 and 1977. Eiran, then the Director General of the Prime Minister's office (1975–1977), participated in most of the talks. His account offers unknown details, as well as reflections on why the talks did not lead to a breakthrough at that time. Eiran's account reflects a King Hussein who is confident, thoughtful, charming, and keenly aware of the internal and regional challenges Jordan faced at the time. Although not formally part of the process, the Nixon and Ford administrations kept a close watch, and maintained side contacts with the parties. Eiran's account also highlights the critical role of personal relations, trust, and confidence building in a conflict that was already decades old and had far-reaching regional and global strategic resonance.

This article revisits the 1983 Israel-Lebanon Agreement using new archival material, mainly from the Israel State Archives, with three main goals. First, it demonstrates the centrality of the agreement for Israeli schemes in Lebanon and argues that Israeli demands during the negotiations shed new light on its decision to stay in Lebanon in June 1985, despite the government decision of January 1985 to withdraw to the international border. Second, it reconsiders Syria's ‘veto power’ over the agreement given Israel's objectives to establish a security zone in south Lebanon. Finally, by using new archival evidence, it completes our historical knowledge about the road to the agreement and its aftermath.

This article maintains that states can utilize place naming in their capitals to advance two foreign policy goals: first, promoting closer relations with other international actors, including states and international organizations, thereby complementing more traditional diplomatic means; second, supporting national branding efforts as the state strives to enhance the image it seeks to project to other international actors and its global reputation. Drawing on the case of Israel's extensive place naming efforts in Jerusalem in the period 1948–1967, which were designed to achieve these two goals, the article establishes that the use of place naming as a diplomatic tool should be viewed as part of what is often referred to as cultural diplomacy, namely, international actors’ exchange of and collaboration regarding ideas, values, perceptions, and cultural gestures that serve to strengthen ties in the long term.

In recent months, studying and publishing research on Israel has become more arduous than at any time in recent decades. Academic research is imperative to enhance understanding of Israel. The absence of scholarly research, in contrast, impoverishes knowledge about Israel, ultimately risking misinformed debates.

The interview with Amos Eiran offers a first-hand account of clandestine talks between then-Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and King Hussein, between 1974 and 1977. Eiran, then the Director General of the Prime Minister's office (1975–1977), participated in most of the talks. His account offers unknown details, as well as reflections on why the talks did not lead to a breakthrough at that time. Eiran's account reflects a King Hussein who is confident, thoughtful, charming, and keenly aware of the internal and regional challenges Jordan faced at the time. Although not formally part of the process, the Nixon and Ford administrations kept a close watch, and maintained side contacts with the parties. Eiran's account also highlights the critical role of personal relations, trust, and confidence building in a conflict that was already decades old and had far-reaching regional and global strategic resonance.

This article revisits the 1983 Israel-Lebanon Agreement using new archival material, mainly from the Israel State Archives, with three main goals. First, it demonstrates the centrality of the agreement for Israeli schemes in Lebanon and argues that Israeli demands during the negotiations shed new light on its decision to stay in Lebanon in June 1985, despite the government decision of January 1985 to withdraw to the international border. Second, it reconsiders Syria's ‘veto power’ over the agreement given Israel's objectives to establish a security zone in south Lebanon. Finally, by using new archival evidence, it completes our historical knowledge about the road to the agreement and its aftermath.

This article maintains that states can utilize place naming in their capitals to advance two foreign policy goals: first, promoting closer relations with other international actors, including states and international organizations, thereby complementing more traditional diplomatic means; second, supporting national branding efforts as the state strives to enhance the image it seeks to project to other international actors and its global reputation. Drawing on the case of Israel's extensive place naming efforts in Jerusalem in the period 1948–1967, which were designed to achieve these two goals, the article establishes that the use of place naming as a diplomatic tool should be viewed as part of what is often referred to as cultural diplomacy, namely, international actors’ exchange of and collaboration regarding ideas, values, perceptions, and cultural gestures that serve to strengthen ties in the long term.

Israel defines itself as a Jewish and democratic state. Although various groups have challenged its identity, it was only after 2009 that Jewish identity was presented by Israeli governments as facing a serious existential threat. Utilizing the concept of “securitization,” which frames an issue as an existential threat requiring extraordinary measures, this article examines the education system's role in securitizing Jewish identity in Israel. My argument is that public education serves as a powerful tool in this securitization, overlooked by studies on securitization or education in Israel. The result is a reduction in teachers’ and students’ ability to act according to their worldview, affecting not only the present but also future citizens’ civic skills needed in a democratic state.

In recent months, studying and publishing research on Israel has become more arduous than at any time in recent decades. Academic research is imperative to enhance understanding of Israel. The absence of scholarly research, in contrast, impoverishes knowledge about Israel, ultimately risking misinformed debates.

The interview with Amos Eiran offers a first-hand account of clandestine talks between then-Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and King Hussein, between 1974 and 1977. Eiran, then the Director General of the Prime Minister's office (1975–1977), participated in most of the talks. His account offers unknown details, as well as reflections on why the talks did not lead to a breakthrough at that time. Eiran's account reflects a King Hussein who is confident, thoughtful, charming, and keenly aware of the internal and regional challenges Jordan faced at the time. Although not formally part of the process, the Nixon and Ford administrations kept a close watch, and maintained side contacts with the parties. Eiran's account also highlights the critical role of personal relations, trust, and confidence building in a conflict that was already decades old and had far-reaching regional and global strategic resonance.

This article revisits the 1983 Israel-Lebanon Agreement using new archival material, mainly from the Israel State Archives, with three main goals. First, it demonstrates the centrality of the agreement for Israeli schemes in Lebanon and argues that Israeli demands during the negotiations shed new light on its decision to stay in Lebanon in June 1985, despite the government decision of January 1985 to withdraw to the international border. Second, it reconsiders Syria's ‘veto power’ over the agreement given Israel's objectives to establish a security zone in south Lebanon. Finally, by using new archival evidence, it completes our historical knowledge about the road to the agreement and its aftermath.

This article maintains that states can utilize place naming in their capitals to advance two foreign policy goals: first, promoting closer relations with other international actors, including states and international organizations, thereby complementing more traditional diplomatic means; second, supporting national branding efforts as the state strives to enhance the image it seeks to project to other international actors and its global reputation. Drawing on the case of Israel's extensive place naming efforts in Jerusalem in the period 1948–1967, which were designed to achieve these two goals, the article establishes that the use of place naming as a diplomatic tool should be viewed as part of what is often referred to as cultural diplomacy, namely, international actors’ exchange of and collaboration regarding ideas, values, perceptions, and cultural gestures that serve to strengthen ties in the long term.

Israel defines itself as a Jewish and democratic state. Although various groups have challenged its identity, it was only after 2009 that Jewish identity was presented by Israeli governments as facing a serious existential threat. Utilizing the concept of “securitization,” which frames an issue as an existential threat requiring extraordinary measures, this article examines the education system's role in securitizing Jewish identity in Israel. My argument is that public education serves as a powerful tool in this securitization, overlooked by studies on securitization or education in Israel. The result is a reduction in teachers’ and students’ ability to act according to their worldview, affecting not only the present but also future citizens’ civic skills needed in a democratic state.

Historically, the impact of American Jewish philanthropic support for Israel has been significant and far reaching. Yet American Jews have, by and large, not attempted to leverage their philanthropy for the purposes of advancing their own agendas in Israel. Since the 1990s, however, there have been substantial changes in how American Jews give to Israel. Total inflation-adjusted peacetime giving is higher than at any point in Israel's history, but the traditional channels that dominated the field for decades—Jewish federations and the Jewish Agency—have been overtaken collectively by over eight hundred smaller ‘friends of’ and umbrella organizations. This article assesses the degree to which the American Jews running these organizations use their money as a means to push for agendas not necessarily prioritized in the same way by the Israelis to whom they are donating. Through case studies of ten Israeli non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and their relationships with their associated American fundraising vehicles, this article elucidates the range of interaction patterns, exploring issues such as trust, collaboration, and the extent of involvement by Americans. Most importantly, it introduces a typology for studying the broader field of thousands of Israeli NGOs that depend on diaspora Jews for financial support.

In recent months, studying and publishing research on Israel has become more arduous than at any time in recent decades. Academic research is imperative to enhance understanding of Israel. The absence of scholarly research, in contrast, impoverishes knowledge about Israel, ultimately risking misinformed debates.

The interview with Amos Eiran offers a first-hand account of clandestine talks between then-Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and King Hussein, between 1974 and 1977. Eiran, then the Director General of the Prime Minister's office (1975–1977), participated in most of the talks. His account offers unknown details, as well as reflections on why the talks did not lead to a breakthrough at that time. Eiran's account reflects a King Hussein who is confident, thoughtful, charming, and keenly aware of the internal and regional challenges Jordan faced at the time. Although not formally part of the process, the Nixon and Ford administrations kept a close watch, and maintained side contacts with the parties. Eiran's account also highlights the critical role of personal relations, trust, and confidence building in a conflict that was already decades old and had far-reaching regional and global strategic resonance.

This article revisits the 1983 Israel-Lebanon Agreement using new archival material, mainly from the Israel State Archives, with three main goals. First, it demonstrates the centrality of the agreement for Israeli schemes in Lebanon and argues that Israeli demands during the negotiations shed new light on its decision to stay in Lebanon in June 1985, despite the government decision of January 1985 to withdraw to the international border. Second, it reconsiders Syria's ‘veto power’ over the agreement given Israel's objectives to establish a security zone in south Lebanon. Finally, by using new archival evidence, it completes our historical knowledge about the road to the agreement and its aftermath.

This article maintains that states can utilize place naming in their capitals to advance two foreign policy goals: first, promoting closer relations with other international actors, including states and international organizations, thereby complementing more traditional diplomatic means; second, supporting national branding efforts as the state strives to enhance the image it seeks to project to other international actors and its global reputation. Drawing on the case of Israel's extensive place naming efforts in Jerusalem in the period 1948–1967, which were designed to achieve these two goals, the article establishes that the use of place naming as a diplomatic tool should be viewed as part of what is often referred to as cultural diplomacy, namely, international actors’ exchange of and collaboration regarding ideas, values, perceptions, and cultural gestures that serve to strengthen ties in the long term.

Israel defines itself as a Jewish and democratic state. Although various groups have challenged its identity, it was only after 2009 that Jewish identity was presented by Israeli governments as facing a serious existential threat. Utilizing the concept of “securitization,” which frames an issue as an existential threat requiring extraordinary measures, this article examines the education system's role in securitizing Jewish identity in Israel. My argument is that public education serves as a powerful tool in this securitization, overlooked by studies on securitization or education in Israel. The result is a reduction in teachers’ and students’ ability to act according to their worldview, affecting not only the present but also future citizens’ civic skills needed in a democratic state.

Historically, the impact of American Jewish philanthropic support for Israel has been significant and far reaching. Yet American Jews have, by and large, not attempted to leverage their philanthropy for the purposes of advancing their own agendas in Israel. Since the 1990s, however, there have been substantial changes in how American Jews give to Israel. Total inflation-adjusted peacetime giving is higher than at any point in Israel's history, but the traditional channels that dominated the field for decades—Jewish federations and the Jewish Agency—have been overtaken collectively by over eight hundred smaller ‘friends of’ and umbrella organizations. This article assesses the degree to which the American Jews running these organizations use their money as a means to push for agendas not necessarily prioritized in the same way by the Israelis to whom they are donating. Through case studies of ten Israeli non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and their relationships with their associated American fundraising vehicles, this article elucidates the range of interaction patterns, exploring issues such as trust, collaboration, and the extent of involvement by Americans. Most importantly, it introduces a typology for studying the broader field of thousands of Israeli NGOs that depend on diaspora Jews for financial support.

This article examines the personal diary of Dr. Michael Simon, the first chief of protocol for Israel's Ministry of Foreign Affairs, that he wrote in April 1955 during his visit to Morocco. The diary raises questions about the beliefs, perceptions, stances, and images that prevailed among European Jews in Israel vis-à-vis Middle Eastern and North African Jews during the first decade of the State of Israel's existence. I propose that Simon's outlook on Moroccan Jewry was complex, integrative, and free of stereotypes. Analyzing Simon's case enables an exploration of the conditions that informed his views of Morocco's Jews, conditions that were manifested in different ways by most of the Israelis of European heritage whose writings dealt with Middle East and North Africa Jews and their descendants in Israel.

In recent months, studying and publishing research on Israel has become more arduous than at any time in recent decades. Academic research is imperative to enhance understanding of Israel. The absence of scholarly research, in contrast, impoverishes knowledge about Israel, ultimately risking misinformed debates.

The interview with Amos Eiran offers a first-hand account of clandestine talks between then-Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and King Hussein, between 1974 and 1977. Eiran, then the Director General of the Prime Minister's office (1975–1977), participated in most of the talks. His account offers unknown details, as well as reflections on why the talks did not lead to a breakthrough at that time. Eiran's account reflects a King Hussein who is confident, thoughtful, charming, and keenly aware of the internal and regional challenges Jordan faced at the time. Although not formally part of the process, the Nixon and Ford administrations kept a close watch, and maintained side contacts with the parties. Eiran's account also highlights the critical role of personal relations, trust, and confidence building in a conflict that was already decades old and had far-reaching regional and global strategic resonance.

This article revisits the 1983 Israel-Lebanon Agreement using new archival material, mainly from the Israel State Archives, with three main goals. First, it demonstrates the centrality of the agreement for Israeli schemes in Lebanon and argues that Israeli demands during the negotiations shed new light on its decision to stay in Lebanon in June 1985, despite the government decision of January 1985 to withdraw to the international border. Second, it reconsiders Syria's ‘veto power’ over the agreement given Israel's objectives to establish a security zone in south Lebanon. Finally, by using new archival evidence, it completes our historical knowledge about the road to the agreement and its aftermath.

This article maintains that states can utilize place naming in their capitals to advance two foreign policy goals: first, promoting closer relations with other international actors, including states and international organizations, thereby complementing more traditional diplomatic means; second, supporting national branding efforts as the state strives to enhance the image it seeks to project to other international actors and its global reputation. Drawing on the case of Israel's extensive place naming efforts in Jerusalem in the period 1948–1967, which were designed to achieve these two goals, the article establishes that the use of place naming as a diplomatic tool should be viewed as part of what is often referred to as cultural diplomacy, namely, international actors’ exchange of and collaboration regarding ideas, values, perceptions, and cultural gestures that serve to strengthen ties in the long term.

Israel defines itself as a Jewish and democratic state. Although various groups have challenged its identity, it was only after 2009 that Jewish identity was presented by Israeli governments as facing a serious existential threat. Utilizing the concept of “securitization,” which frames an issue as an existential threat requiring extraordinary measures, this article examines the education system's role in securitizing Jewish identity in Israel. My argument is that public education serves as a powerful tool in this securitization, overlooked by studies on securitization or education in Israel. The result is a reduction in teachers’ and students’ ability to act according to their worldview, affecting not only the present but also future citizens’ civic skills needed in a democratic state.

Historically, the impact of American Jewish philanthropic support for Israel has been significant and far reaching. Yet American Jews have, by and large, not attempted to leverage their philanthropy for the purposes of advancing their own agendas in Israel. Since the 1990s, however, there have been substantial changes in how American Jews give to Israel. Total inflation-adjusted peacetime giving is higher than at any point in Israel's history, but the traditional channels that dominated the field for decades—Jewish federations and the Jewish Agency—have been overtaken collectively by over eight hundred smaller ‘friends of’ and umbrella organizations. This article assesses the degree to which the American Jews running these organizations use their money as a means to push for agendas not necessarily prioritized in the same way by the Israelis to whom they are donating. Through case studies of ten Israeli non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and their relationships with their associated American fundraising vehicles, this article elucidates the range of interaction patterns, exploring issues such as trust, collaboration, and the extent of involvement by Americans. Most importantly, it introduces a typology for studying the broader field of thousands of Israeli NGOs that depend on diaspora Jews for financial support.

This article examines the personal diary of Dr. Michael Simon, the first chief of protocol for Israel's Ministry of Foreign Affairs, that he wrote in April 1955 during his visit to Morocco. The diary raises questions about the beliefs, perceptions, stances, and images that prevailed among European Jews in Israel vis-à-vis Middle Eastern and North African Jews during the first decade of the State of Israel's existence. I propose that Simon's outlook on Moroccan Jewry was complex, integrative, and free of stereotypes. Analyzing Simon's case enables an exploration of the conditions that informed his views of Morocco's Jews, conditions that were manifested in different ways by most of the Israelis of European heritage whose writings dealt with Middle East and North Africa Jews and their descendants in Israel.

Shay Rabineau. Walking the Land: A History of Israeli Hiking Trail (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2023).

Viola Arianov-Rautenberg. No Longer Ladies and Gentlemen: Gender and the German-Jewish Migration to Mandatory Palestine (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2023).

Weininger, Melissa. Beyond the Land: Diaspora Israeli Culture in the Twenty-First Century. (Detroit, MI: Wayne State University Press, 2023). 232 pp., Paperback, $27.99

Ziv, Guy. The Generals vs Netanyahu: The Battle for Israel's Future. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2024). 266 pp., Hardback, $90.

Netanyahu, Benjamin. Bibi: My Story. (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2022), 736 pp., paperback, $23.99.

Muallem, Mazal. Cracking the Netanyahu Code. [In Hebrew] (Shoham: Kinneret Zmora-Bitan Dvir, 2022), 432 pp., paperback, $29.99.

The relationship between President Yitzhak Ben-Zvi and the Herut movement is at the core of this article. Tracking their relationship and dividing it into three periods, under the historiography of the Herut Movement, presents the development of their relationship and its contribution to Herut's legitimation. The article presents the legitimation processes of the Herut movement through a broader description of the concept of political legitimacy. By exploring the president's attitude toward Herut, the article presents how they gained political and public legitimacy. In this way, the study expands the literature both on Herut's legitimization processes and on the role of the president in Israel.

The relationship between President Yitzhak Ben-Zvi and the Herut movement is at the core of this article. Tracking their relationship and dividing it into three periods, under the historiography of the Herut Movement, presents the development of their relationship and its contribution to Herut's legitimation. The article presents the legitimation processes of the Herut movement through a broader description of the concept of political legitimacy. By exploring the president's attitude toward Herut, the article presents how they gained political and public legitimacy. In this way, the study expands the literature both on Herut's legitimization processes and on the role of the president in Israel.

The Israeli Movement for Reform and Progressive Judaism has grown considerably in recent years. Fifty congregations and initiatives now operate throughout the country, offering prayer services, holiday and life-cycle ceremonies, study houses, conversion courses, pre-army programs, and more. Despite its increased presence in Israeli life, the movement is still known among the general public mainly for its struggle to achieve equal status and gain official recognition. In fact, the very term ‘Reform Jew’ still carries a derogatory connotation in many sectors of society. This article describes the major turning points encountered by the Israeli Reform Movement in its quest for recognition, the arenas in which it operates and parties with which it negotiates, and the ways in which it differs from its counterpart in North America. While the article focuses on a single movement in the Israeli marketplace of religious identities, it seeks to shed light on religion–state relations and changes in the Jewish world more generally.

The relationship between President Yitzhak Ben-Zvi and the Herut movement is at the core of this article. Tracking their relationship and dividing it into three periods, under the historiography of the Herut Movement, presents the development of their relationship and its contribution to Herut's legitimation. The article presents the legitimation processes of the Herut movement through a broader description of the concept of political legitimacy. By exploring the president's attitude toward Herut, the article presents how they gained political and public legitimacy. In this way, the study expands the literature both on Herut's legitimization processes and on the role of the president in Israel.

The Israeli Movement for Reform and Progressive Judaism has grown considerably in recent years. Fifty congregations and initiatives now operate throughout the country, offering prayer services, holiday and life-cycle ceremonies, study houses, conversion courses, pre-army programs, and more. Despite its increased presence in Israeli life, the movement is still known among the general public mainly for its struggle to achieve equal status and gain official recognition. In fact, the very term ‘Reform Jew’ still carries a derogatory connotation in many sectors of society. This article describes the major turning points encountered by the Israeli Reform Movement in its quest for recognition, the arenas in which it operates and parties with which it negotiates, and the ways in which it differs from its counterpart in North America. While the article focuses on a single movement in the Israeli marketplace of religious identities, it seeks to shed light on religion–state relations and changes in the Jewish world more generally.

What strategies are used to legitimize and enhance the popularity of the Reform marriage ceremony among Israeli Jews? Using a mixed-method grounded-theory technique, this study stresses that the strategies used to legitimize and enhance the popularity of the Reform marriage ceremony among Israeli Jews take place in two parallel realms: the organizational and the individual. At the organizational level, the Israel Reform Movement invests resources into institutionalizing the Reform marriage ceremony in Israel, using the judicial and the political strata to accomplish this goal. At the same time, at the individual level, Reform rabbis operate as street-level policy entrepreneurs by enhancing the visibility of the Reform marriage ceremony among Israeli Jews by advertising themselves and conducting as many ceremonies as possible.

The relationship between President Yitzhak Ben-Zvi and the Herut movement is at the core of this article. Tracking their relationship and dividing it into three periods, under the historiography of the Herut Movement, presents the development of their relationship and its contribution to Herut's legitimation. The article presents the legitimation processes of the Herut movement through a broader description of the concept of political legitimacy. By exploring the president's attitude toward Herut, the article presents how they gained political and public legitimacy. In this way, the study expands the literature both on Herut's legitimization processes and on the role of the president in Israel.

The Israeli Movement for Reform and Progressive Judaism has grown considerably in recent years. Fifty congregations and initiatives now operate throughout the country, offering prayer services, holiday and life-cycle ceremonies, study houses, conversion courses, pre-army programs, and more. Despite its increased presence in Israeli life, the movement is still known among the general public mainly for its struggle to achieve equal status and gain official recognition. In fact, the very term ‘Reform Jew’ still carries a derogatory connotation in many sectors of society. This article describes the major turning points encountered by the Israeli Reform Movement in its quest for recognition, the arenas in which it operates and parties with which it negotiates, and the ways in which it differs from its counterpart in North America. While the article focuses on a single movement in the Israeli marketplace of religious identities, it seeks to shed light on religion–state relations and changes in the Jewish world more generally.

What strategies are used to legitimize and enhance the popularity of the Reform marriage ceremony among Israeli Jews? Using a mixed-method grounded-theory technique, this study stresses that the strategies used to legitimize and enhance the popularity of the Reform marriage ceremony among Israeli Jews take place in two parallel realms: the organizational and the individual. At the organizational level, the Israel Reform Movement invests resources into institutionalizing the Reform marriage ceremony in Israel, using the judicial and the political strata to accomplish this goal. At the same time, at the individual level, Reform rabbis operate as street-level policy entrepreneurs by enhancing the visibility of the Reform marriage ceremony among Israeli Jews by advertising themselves and conducting as many ceremonies as possible.

In this article, I present an analysis of Amos Oz's writings, from his early collection of stories, Where the Jackals Howl (1965) to his autofictional novel A Tale of Love and Darkness (2002). Throughout the tumultuous first five decades of Israel's Independence, Oz's oeuvre consistently expressed an implicit tale of darkness. Darkness is the key figure of the national abyss in Oz's literature. As a political category, Oz's interpretation of darkness bears the traces of postcolonial literature, where darkness is a root metaphor; as a poetic principle, darkness holds the unsaid within the literary text. Marking the unsaid, darkness turns to be a recall for depth hermeneutics, as it acknowledges “the hidden” as a core category of meaning in national literatures.

The relationship between President Yitzhak Ben-Zvi and the Herut movement is at the core of this article. Tracking their relationship and dividing it into three periods, under the historiography of the Herut Movement, presents the development of their relationship and its contribution to Herut's legitimation. The article presents the legitimation processes of the Herut movement through a broader description of the concept of political legitimacy. By exploring the president's attitude toward Herut, the article presents how they gained political and public legitimacy. In this way, the study expands the literature both on Herut's legitimization processes and on the role of the president in Israel.

The Israeli Movement for Reform and Progressive Judaism has grown considerably in recent years. Fifty congregations and initiatives now operate throughout the country, offering prayer services, holiday and life-cycle ceremonies, study houses, conversion courses, pre-army programs, and more. Despite its increased presence in Israeli life, the movement is still known among the general public mainly for its struggle to achieve equal status and gain official recognition. In fact, the very term ‘Reform Jew’ still carries a derogatory connotation in many sectors of society. This article describes the major turning points encountered by the Israeli Reform Movement in its quest for recognition, the arenas in which it operates and parties with which it negotiates, and the ways in which it differs from its counterpart in North America. While the article focuses on a single movement in the Israeli marketplace of religious identities, it seeks to shed light on religion–state relations and changes in the Jewish world more generally.

What strategies are used to legitimize and enhance the popularity of the Reform marriage ceremony among Israeli Jews? Using a mixed-method grounded-theory technique, this study stresses that the strategies used to legitimize and enhance the popularity of the Reform marriage ceremony among Israeli Jews take place in two parallel realms: the organizational and the individual. At the organizational level, the Israel Reform Movement invests resources into institutionalizing the Reform marriage ceremony in Israel, using the judicial and the political strata to accomplish this goal. At the same time, at the individual level, Reform rabbis operate as street-level policy entrepreneurs by enhancing the visibility of the Reform marriage ceremony among Israeli Jews by advertising themselves and conducting as many ceremonies as possible.

In this article, I present an analysis of Amos Oz's writings, from his early collection of stories, Where the Jackals Howl (1965) to his autofictional novel A Tale of Love and Darkness (2002). Throughout the tumultuous first five decades of Israel's Independence, Oz's oeuvre consistently expressed an implicit tale of darkness. Darkness is the key figure of the national abyss in Oz's literature. As a political category, Oz's interpretation of darkness bears the traces of postcolonial literature, where darkness is a root metaphor; as a poetic principle, darkness holds the unsaid within the literary text. Marking the unsaid, darkness turns to be a recall for depth hermeneutics, as it acknowledges “the hidden” as a core category of meaning in national literatures.

This article examines two documentary films by women filmmakers dealing with combat stress: Irit Gal's Harmed Forces (1999) and Nurit Kedar's On the Edge (2003). The first Israeli female directors to deal with combat stress reactions, their work is distinguished from that of male directors in its criticism of the establishment and society and a camera perspective that identifies and empathizes with combat stress victims, including a cinematic strategy for representing the trauma of war. The article offers close readings of the films’ narratives that reveal their radical criticism of hegemonic attitudes and examines their different ethical concepts, forms of trauma discourse, and modes of identification with combat-stressed soldiers. Reading these films from the historical perspective of women's documentary cinema reveals two different approaches to creating counter cinema.

The relationship between President Yitzhak Ben-Zvi and the Herut movement is at the core of this article. Tracking their relationship and dividing it into three periods, under the historiography of the Herut Movement, presents the development of their relationship and its contribution to Herut's legitimation. The article presents the legitimation processes of the Herut movement through a broader description of the concept of political legitimacy. By exploring the president's attitude toward Herut, the article presents how they gained political and public legitimacy. In this way, the study expands the literature both on Herut's legitimization processes and on the role of the president in Israel.

The Israeli Movement for Reform and Progressive Judaism has grown considerably in recent years. Fifty congregations and initiatives now operate throughout the country, offering prayer services, holiday and life-cycle ceremonies, study houses, conversion courses, pre-army programs, and more. Despite its increased presence in Israeli life, the movement is still known among the general public mainly for its struggle to achieve equal status and gain official recognition. In fact, the very term ‘Reform Jew’ still carries a derogatory connotation in many sectors of society. This article describes the major turning points encountered by the Israeli Reform Movement in its quest for recognition, the arenas in which it operates and parties with which it negotiates, and the ways in which it differs from its counterpart in North America. While the article focuses on a single movement in the Israeli marketplace of religious identities, it seeks to shed light on religion–state relations and changes in the Jewish world more generally.

What strategies are used to legitimize and enhance the popularity of the Reform marriage ceremony among Israeli Jews? Using a mixed-method grounded-theory technique, this study stresses that the strategies used to legitimize and enhance the popularity of the Reform marriage ceremony among Israeli Jews take place in two parallel realms: the organizational and the individual. At the organizational level, the Israel Reform Movement invests resources into institutionalizing the Reform marriage ceremony in Israel, using the judicial and the political strata to accomplish this goal. At the same time, at the individual level, Reform rabbis operate as street-level policy entrepreneurs by enhancing the visibility of the Reform marriage ceremony among Israeli Jews by advertising themselves and conducting as many ceremonies as possible.

In this article, I present an analysis of Amos Oz's writings, from his early collection of stories, Where the Jackals Howl (1965) to his autofictional novel A Tale of Love and Darkness (2002). Throughout the tumultuous first five decades of Israel's Independence, Oz's oeuvre consistently expressed an implicit tale of darkness. Darkness is the key figure of the national abyss in Oz's literature. As a political category, Oz's interpretation of darkness bears the traces of postcolonial literature, where darkness is a root metaphor; as a poetic principle, darkness holds the unsaid within the literary text. Marking the unsaid, darkness turns to be a recall for depth hermeneutics, as it acknowledges “the hidden” as a core category of meaning in national literatures.

This article examines two documentary films by women filmmakers dealing with combat stress: Irit Gal's Harmed Forces (1999) and Nurit Kedar's On the Edge (2003). The first Israeli female directors to deal with combat stress reactions, their work is distinguished from that of male directors in its criticism of the establishment and society and a camera perspective that identifies and empathizes with combat stress victims, including a cinematic strategy for representing the trauma of war. The article offers close readings of the films’ narratives that reveal their radical criticism of hegemonic attitudes and examines their different ethical concepts, forms of trauma discourse, and modes of identification with combat-stressed soldiers. Reading these films from the historical perspective of women's documentary cinema reveals two different approaches to creating counter cinema.

Shay Rabineau. Walking the Land: A History of Israeli Hiking Trails (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2023), 304 pp., $35 (paperback).

Shlomo Ben-Ami. Prophets Without Honor: The 2000 Camp David Summit and the End of the Two-State Solution (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2022), 400 pp., $31.99 (hardback).

Anat Stern. Combatants on Trial: Military Jurisdiction in Israel during the 1948 War [In Hebrew.] (Jerusalem: Yad Ben-Zvi, 2021), 340 pp., NIS 80 (paperback).

Vincent Lemire. In the Shadow of the Wall: The Life and Death of Jerusalem's Maghrebi Quarter, 1187–1967 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2023), 400 pp., $32 (paperback).

Rob Geist Pinfold. Understanding Territorial Withdrawal: Israeli Occupations and Exits. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2023), 344 pp., $83 (hardback).

Rogachevsky, Neil, and Dov Zigler. Israel's Declaration of Independence: The History and Political Theory of the Nation's Founding Moment (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2022), 300 pp., $39.99 (paperback)

Taragin-Zeller, Lea. The State of Desire: Religion and Reproductive Politics in the Promised Land (New York: New York University Press, 2023), 200 pp, $28 (paperback).

Segal, Jerome M. The Olive Branch from Palestine: The Palestinian Declaration of Independence and the Path Out of the Current Impasse (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2022), 316 pp., $29.95 (hardcover)

The proposal introduced in January 2023 for a ‘judicial overhaul’ in Israel has been characterized as a seismic event. Labeled a ‘reform’ by supporters and a ‘coup’ by skeptics, the proposal is better understood as part of a long process rather than a sudden event. This process involves gradual but persistent executive aggrandizement advanced by weakening multiple institutions of horizontal accountability and the media, alongside the imposition of restrictions on oppositional organizational capacity. Accordingly, the process should be defined in terms of autocratization. The spokes analogy is invoked to highlight the interconnectedness between the various realms that collectively underpin the regime.

The proposal introduced in January 2023 for a ‘judicial overhaul’ in Israel has been characterized as a seismic event. Labeled a ‘reform’ by supporters and a ‘coup’ by skeptics, the proposal is better understood as part of a long process rather than a sudden event. This process involves gradual but persistent executive aggrandizement advanced by weakening multiple institutions of horizontal accountability and the media, alongside the imposition of restrictions on oppositional organizational capacity. Accordingly, the process should be defined in terms of autocratization. The spokes analogy is invoked to highlight the interconnectedness between the various realms that collectively underpin the regime.

This article analyzes the implications of the proposals of the Minister of Justice and the Chair of the Knesset's Constitution Committee to overhaul the judiciary of Israel. These proposals, if legislated, will undermine basic principles of democracy, the rule of law, and the protection of human rights. In the absence of a complete formal constitution and its relatively weak system of checks and balances, Israel has developed several institutions that protect the rule of law and human rights, including a Supreme Court with the power of judicial review of legislation; a balanced and professional system for selecting judges; a strong legal civil service, with a relatively independent attorney general. The so-called legal reforms deal specifically with these institutions, and seek to weaken or annul them. As such, this judicial overhaul is tantamount to a revolutionary attempt to change the regime and would undermine the democratic character of Israel.

The proposal introduced in January 2023 for a ‘judicial overhaul’ in Israel has been characterized as a seismic event. Labeled a ‘reform’ by supporters and a ‘coup’ by skeptics, the proposal is better understood as part of a long process rather than a sudden event. This process involves gradual but persistent executive aggrandizement advanced by weakening multiple institutions of horizontal accountability and the media, alongside the imposition of restrictions on oppositional organizational capacity. Accordingly, the process should be defined in terms of autocratization. The spokes analogy is invoked to highlight the interconnectedness between the various realms that collectively underpin the regime.

This article analyzes the implications of the proposals of the Minister of Justice and the Chair of the Knesset's Constitution Committee to overhaul the judiciary of Israel. These proposals, if legislated, will undermine basic principles of democracy, the rule of law, and the protection of human rights. In the absence of a complete formal constitution and its relatively weak system of checks and balances, Israel has developed several institutions that protect the rule of law and human rights, including a Supreme Court with the power of judicial review of legislation; a balanced and professional system for selecting judges; a strong legal civil service, with a relatively independent attorney general. The so-called legal reforms deal specifically with these institutions, and seek to weaken or annul them. As such, this judicial overhaul is tantamount to a revolutionary attempt to change the regime and would undermine the democratic character of Israel.

This article offers two interpretations of the constitutional confrontation that ensued over the proposed 2023 judicial overhaul legislation. It places the debate in the context of a broader culture war over Israel's conditions of legitimacy and as a continuum. At one end of the spectrum, the judicial overhaul legislation can be seen as pursuing a ‘decision to decide’ tactic, countered by the opposition using the same constitutional tactic in the opposite direction. On the other end of the spectrum, the judicial overhaul program could be viewed as an opening position in constitutional negotiations, with reform advocates seeking only the nomination of a few committed conservative justices and the maintenance of the constitutional status quo of deciding not decide. To this end, the nationalists’ move was again countered by the opposition using the same constitutional tactic but in the opposite direction to prevent this outcome.

The proposal introduced in January 2023 for a ‘judicial overhaul’ in Israel has been characterized as a seismic event. Labeled a ‘reform’ by supporters and a ‘coup’ by skeptics, the proposal is better understood as part of a long process rather than a sudden event. This process involves gradual but persistent executive aggrandizement advanced by weakening multiple institutions of horizontal accountability and the media, alongside the imposition of restrictions on oppositional organizational capacity. Accordingly, the process should be defined in terms of autocratization. The spokes analogy is invoked to highlight the interconnectedness between the various realms that collectively underpin the regime.

This article analyzes the implications of the proposals of the Minister of Justice and the Chair of the Knesset's Constitution Committee to overhaul the judiciary of Israel. These proposals, if legislated, will undermine basic principles of democracy, the rule of law, and the protection of human rights. In the absence of a complete formal constitution and its relatively weak system of checks and balances, Israel has developed several institutions that protect the rule of law and human rights, including a Supreme Court with the power of judicial review of legislation; a balanced and professional system for selecting judges; a strong legal civil service, with a relatively independent attorney general. The so-called legal reforms deal specifically with these institutions, and seek to weaken or annul them. As such, this judicial overhaul is tantamount to a revolutionary attempt to change the regime and would undermine the democratic character of Israel.

This article offers two interpretations of the constitutional confrontation that ensued over the proposed 2023 judicial overhaul legislation. It places the debate in the context of a broader culture war over Israel's conditions of legitimacy and as a continuum. At one end of the spectrum, the judicial overhaul legislation can be seen as pursuing a ‘decision to decide’ tactic, countered by the opposition using the same constitutional tactic in the opposite direction. On the other end of the spectrum, the judicial overhaul program could be viewed as an opening position in constitutional negotiations, with reform advocates seeking only the nomination of a few committed conservative justices and the maintenance of the constitutional status quo of deciding not decide. To this end, the nationalists’ move was again countered by the opposition using the same constitutional tactic but in the opposite direction to prevent this outcome.

Using the 2023 controversy over Israel's judicial overhaul as a case, this article analyzes the broader, decades-long debate about the nature of the Israeli regime. It demonstrates how conflicting assumptions about democracy and the Israeli regime underpin different interpretations of the proposed judicial overhaul. The 2023 debate contraposed majoritarian and liberal orientations, echoing previous understandings of Israel as either a liberal democracy or a diminished type of democracy like ethnic democracy. Despite their differences, both positions in this debate regard Israel as a democracy equivalent to other liberal democracies in the West and neglect the question of the regime's borders and its implication for the regime's classification.

The proposal introduced in January 2023 for a ‘judicial overhaul’ in Israel has been characterized as a seismic event. Labeled a ‘reform’ by supporters and a ‘coup’ by skeptics, the proposal is better understood as part of a long process rather than a sudden event. This process involves gradual but persistent executive aggrandizement advanced by weakening multiple institutions of horizontal accountability and the media, alongside the imposition of restrictions on oppositional organizational capacity. Accordingly, the process should be defined in terms of autocratization. The spokes analogy is invoked to highlight the interconnectedness between the various realms that collectively underpin the regime.

This article analyzes the implications of the proposals of the Minister of Justice and the Chair of the Knesset's Constitution Committee to overhaul the judiciary of Israel. These proposals, if legislated, will undermine basic principles of democracy, the rule of law, and the protection of human rights. In the absence of a complete formal constitution and its relatively weak system of checks and balances, Israel has developed several institutions that protect the rule of law and human rights, including a Supreme Court with the power of judicial review of legislation; a balanced and professional system for selecting judges; a strong legal civil service, with a relatively independent attorney general. The so-called legal reforms deal specifically with these institutions, and seek to weaken or annul them. As such, this judicial overhaul is tantamount to a revolutionary attempt to change the regime and would undermine the democratic character of Israel.

This article offers two interpretations of the constitutional confrontation that ensued over the proposed 2023 judicial overhaul legislation. It places the debate in the context of a broader culture war over Israel's conditions of legitimacy and as a continuum. At one end of the spectrum, the judicial overhaul legislation can be seen as pursuing a ‘decision to decide’ tactic, countered by the opposition using the same constitutional tactic in the opposite direction. On the other end of the spectrum, the judicial overhaul program could be viewed as an opening position in constitutional negotiations, with reform advocates seeking only the nomination of a few committed conservative justices and the maintenance of the constitutional status quo of deciding not decide. To this end, the nationalists’ move was again countered by the opposition using the same constitutional tactic but in the opposite direction to prevent this outcome.

Using the 2023 controversy over Israel's judicial overhaul as a case, this article analyzes the broader, decades-long debate about the nature of the Israeli regime. It demonstrates how conflicting assumptions about democracy and the Israeli regime underpin different interpretations of the proposed judicial overhaul. The 2023 debate contraposed majoritarian and liberal orientations, echoing previous understandings of Israel as either a liberal democracy or a diminished type of democracy like ethnic democracy. Despite their differences, both positions in this debate regard Israel as a democracy equivalent to other liberal democracies in the West and neglect the question of the regime's borders and its implication for the regime's classification.

Political scientists distinguish between governments and regimes. A government is comprised of incumbents holding positions of authority specified within an institutionalized “regime,” that is, a legal order. Within a well-institutionalized regime, politics consists of legal struggles over what governments and government officials do. But when the issues in contention pertain to what governments are authorized to do, and not about what they should do, competitors may no longer feel bound to follow the rules. Such struggles can threaten the integrity of the regime. This article suggests that the prolonged, if temporarily sidelined, crisis over the overhaul of the Israeli judiciary should be understood less as a threat to democracy than as both a challenge to the Israeli regime's remaining liberal features and as an early skirmish in what will be a long political war over whether and how to emancipate millions of non-citizen Palestinian Arabs living in effectively annexed territories.

The proposal introduced in January 2023 for a ‘judicial overhaul’ in Israel has been characterized as a seismic event. Labeled a ‘reform’ by supporters and a ‘coup’ by skeptics, the proposal is better understood as part of a long process rather than a sudden event. This process involves gradual but persistent executive aggrandizement advanced by weakening multiple institutions of horizontal accountability and the media, alongside the imposition of restrictions on oppositional organizational capacity. Accordingly, the process should be defined in terms of autocratization. The spokes analogy is invoked to highlight the interconnectedness between the various realms that collectively underpin the regime.

This article analyzes the implications of the proposals of the Minister of Justice and the Chair of the Knesset's Constitution Committee to overhaul the judiciary of Israel. These proposals, if legislated, will undermine basic principles of democracy, the rule of law, and the protection of human rights. In the absence of a complete formal constitution and its relatively weak system of checks and balances, Israel has developed several institutions that protect the rule of law and human rights, including a Supreme Court with the power of judicial review of legislation; a balanced and professional system for selecting judges; a strong legal civil service, with a relatively independent attorney general. The so-called legal reforms deal specifically with these institutions, and seek to weaken or annul them. As such, this judicial overhaul is tantamount to a revolutionary attempt to change the regime and would undermine the democratic character of Israel.

This article offers two interpretations of the constitutional confrontation that ensued over the proposed 2023 judicial overhaul legislation. It places the debate in the context of a broader culture war over Israel's conditions of legitimacy and as a continuum. At one end of the spectrum, the judicial overhaul legislation can be seen as pursuing a ‘decision to decide’ tactic, countered by the opposition using the same constitutional tactic in the opposite direction. On the other end of the spectrum, the judicial overhaul program could be viewed as an opening position in constitutional negotiations, with reform advocates seeking only the nomination of a few committed conservative justices and the maintenance of the constitutional status quo of deciding not decide. To this end, the nationalists’ move was again countered by the opposition using the same constitutional tactic but in the opposite direction to prevent this outcome.

Using the 2023 controversy over Israel's judicial overhaul as a case, this article analyzes the broader, decades-long debate about the nature of the Israeli regime. It demonstrates how conflicting assumptions about democracy and the Israeli regime underpin different interpretations of the proposed judicial overhaul. The 2023 debate contraposed majoritarian and liberal orientations, echoing previous understandings of Israel as either a liberal democracy or a diminished type of democracy like ethnic democracy. Despite their differences, both positions in this debate regard Israel as a democracy equivalent to other liberal democracies in the West and neglect the question of the regime's borders and its implication for the regime's classification.

Political scientists distinguish between governments and regimes. A government is comprised of incumbents holding positions of authority specified within an institutionalized “regime,” that is, a legal order. Within a well-institutionalized regime, politics consists of legal struggles over what governments and government officials do. But when the issues in contention pertain to what governments are authorized to do, and not about what they should do, competitors may no longer feel bound to follow the rules. Such struggles can threaten the integrity of the regime. This article suggests that the prolonged, if temporarily sidelined, crisis over the overhaul of the Israeli judiciary should be understood less as a threat to democracy than as both a challenge to the Israeli regime's remaining liberal features and as an early skirmish in what will be a long political war over whether and how to emancipate millions of non-citizen Palestinian Arabs living in effectively annexed territories.

This article analyzes the effects of Israel's democratic backsliding on the Palestinian population in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. While research on democratic backsliding focuses on the erosion of liberal democratic features and how this influences democracies’ citizenry, Israel's composite regime offers a unique setting: an established (albeit weakened) liberal democracy ‘within the Green Line’ alongside an established occupation devoid of democratic features ‘beyond the Green Line.’ Exploring this, I analyze how Israel's belligerent occupation has at times been restrained by the ‘democratic side’ of the country, resulting in Palestinians indirectly benefiting from Israel's democracy while not having democratic rights themselves. The article thus demonstrates how Palestinians may be among the first populations to suffer from democratic backsliding while themselves being devoid of democratic rights.

The proposal introduced in January 2023 for a ‘judicial overhaul’ in Israel has been characterized as a seismic event. Labeled a ‘reform’ by supporters and a ‘coup’ by skeptics, the proposal is better understood as part of a long process rather than a sudden event. This process involves gradual but persistent executive aggrandizement advanced by weakening multiple institutions of horizontal accountability and the media, alongside the imposition of restrictions on oppositional organizational capacity. Accordingly, the process should be defined in terms of autocratization. The spokes analogy is invoked to highlight the interconnectedness between the various realms that collectively underpin the regime.

This article analyzes the implications of the proposals of the Minister of Justice and the Chair of the Knesset's Constitution Committee to overhaul the judiciary of Israel. These proposals, if legislated, will undermine basic principles of democracy, the rule of law, and the protection of human rights. In the absence of a complete formal constitution and its relatively weak system of checks and balances, Israel has developed several institutions that protect the rule of law and human rights, including a Supreme Court with the power of judicial review of legislation; a balanced and professional system for selecting judges; a strong legal civil service, with a relatively independent attorney general. The so-called legal reforms deal specifically with these institutions, and seek to weaken or annul them. As such, this judicial overhaul is tantamount to a revolutionary attempt to change the regime and would undermine the democratic character of Israel.

This article offers two interpretations of the constitutional confrontation that ensued over the proposed 2023 judicial overhaul legislation. It places the debate in the context of a broader culture war over Israel's conditions of legitimacy and as a continuum. At one end of the spectrum, the judicial overhaul legislation can be seen as pursuing a ‘decision to decide’ tactic, countered by the opposition using the same constitutional tactic in the opposite direction. On the other end of the spectrum, the judicial overhaul program could be viewed as an opening position in constitutional negotiations, with reform advocates seeking only the nomination of a few committed conservative justices and the maintenance of the constitutional status quo of deciding not decide. To this end, the nationalists’ move was again countered by the opposition using the same constitutional tactic but in the opposite direction to prevent this outcome.

Using the 2023 controversy over Israel's judicial overhaul as a case, this article analyzes the broader, decades-long debate about the nature of the Israeli regime. It demonstrates how conflicting assumptions about democracy and the Israeli regime underpin different interpretations of the proposed judicial overhaul. The 2023 debate contraposed majoritarian and liberal orientations, echoing previous understandings of Israel as either a liberal democracy or a diminished type of democracy like ethnic democracy. Despite their differences, both positions in this debate regard Israel as a democracy equivalent to other liberal democracies in the West and neglect the question of the regime's borders and its implication for the regime's classification.

Political scientists distinguish between governments and regimes. A government is comprised of incumbents holding positions of authority specified within an institutionalized “regime,” that is, a legal order. Within a well-institutionalized regime, politics consists of legal struggles over what governments and government officials do. But when the issues in contention pertain to what governments are authorized to do, and not about what they should do, competitors may no longer feel bound to follow the rules. Such struggles can threaten the integrity of the regime. This article suggests that the prolonged, if temporarily sidelined, crisis over the overhaul of the Israeli judiciary should be understood less as a threat to democracy than as both a challenge to the Israeli regime's remaining liberal features and as an early skirmish in what will be a long political war over whether and how to emancipate millions of non-citizen Palestinian Arabs living in effectively annexed territories.

This article analyzes the effects of Israel's democratic backsliding on the Palestinian population in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. While research on democratic backsliding focuses on the erosion of liberal democratic features and how this influences democracies’ citizenry, Israel's composite regime offers a unique setting: an established (albeit weakened) liberal democracy ‘within the Green Line’ alongside an established occupation devoid of democratic features ‘beyond the Green Line.’ Exploring this, I analyze how Israel's belligerent occupation has at times been restrained by the ‘democratic side’ of the country, resulting in Palestinians indirectly benefiting from Israel's democracy while not having democratic rights themselves. The article thus demonstrates how Palestinians may be among the first populations to suffer from democratic backsliding while themselves being devoid of democratic rights.

This article delves into the intricate relationship between the Islamic Movement and the authorities in Israel. It specifically examines the strategy of integrating the southern faction into Israeli politics in recent years and during the emergence of the democracy crisis in Israel. I term this strategy ‘the politics of musaiyyara’ (flowing with reality), a distinctive approach within the Israeli context. This approach utilizes the Knesset as a platform for forging new alliances with Zionist actors, sidestepping discussions on issues related to the Israeli occupation. The article relies on primary sources that convey the perspectives of the Islamic Movement, specifically its two leaders, Sheikh ʻAbd Allāh Nimr Darwīsh, representing the old generation, and MK Mansour Abbas, representing the newer generation within the movement.

The proposal introduced in January 2023 for a ‘judicial overhaul’ in Israel has been characterized as a seismic event. Labeled a ‘reform’ by supporters and a ‘coup’ by skeptics, the proposal is better understood as part of a long process rather than a sudden event. This process involves gradual but persistent executive aggrandizement advanced by weakening multiple institutions of horizontal accountability and the media, alongside the imposition of restrictions on oppositional organizational capacity. Accordingly, the process should be defined in terms of autocratization. The spokes analogy is invoked to highlight the interconnectedness between the various realms that collectively underpin the regime.

This article analyzes the implications of the proposals of the Minister of Justice and the Chair of the Knesset's Constitution Committee to overhaul the judiciary of Israel. These proposals, if legislated, will undermine basic principles of democracy, the rule of law, and the protection of human rights. In the absence of a complete formal constitution and its relatively weak system of checks and balances, Israel has developed several institutions that protect the rule of law and human rights, including a Supreme Court with the power of judicial review of legislation; a balanced and professional system for selecting judges; a strong legal civil service, with a relatively independent attorney general. The so-called legal reforms deal specifically with these institutions, and seek to weaken or annul them. As such, this judicial overhaul is tantamount to a revolutionary attempt to change the regime and would undermine the democratic character of Israel.

This article offers two interpretations of the constitutional confrontation that ensued over the proposed 2023 judicial overhaul legislation. It places the debate in the context of a broader culture war over Israel's conditions of legitimacy and as a continuum. At one end of the spectrum, the judicial overhaul legislation can be seen as pursuing a ‘decision to decide’ tactic, countered by the opposition using the same constitutional tactic in the opposite direction. On the other end of the spectrum, the judicial overhaul program could be viewed as an opening position in constitutional negotiations, with reform advocates seeking only the nomination of a few committed conservative justices and the maintenance of the constitutional status quo of deciding not decide. To this end, the nationalists’ move was again countered by the opposition using the same constitutional tactic but in the opposite direction to prevent this outcome.

Using the 2023 controversy over Israel's judicial overhaul as a case, this article analyzes the broader, decades-long debate about the nature of the Israeli regime. It demonstrates how conflicting assumptions about democracy and the Israeli regime underpin different interpretations of the proposed judicial overhaul. The 2023 debate contraposed majoritarian and liberal orientations, echoing previous understandings of Israel as either a liberal democracy or a diminished type of democracy like ethnic democracy. Despite their differences, both positions in this debate regard Israel as a democracy equivalent to other liberal democracies in the West and neglect the question of the regime's borders and its implication for the regime's classification.

Political scientists distinguish between governments and regimes. A government is comprised of incumbents holding positions of authority specified within an institutionalized “regime,” that is, a legal order. Within a well-institutionalized regime, politics consists of legal struggles over what governments and government officials do. But when the issues in contention pertain to what governments are authorized to do, and not about what they should do, competitors may no longer feel bound to follow the rules. Such struggles can threaten the integrity of the regime. This article suggests that the prolonged, if temporarily sidelined, crisis over the overhaul of the Israeli judiciary should be understood less as a threat to democracy than as both a challenge to the Israeli regime's remaining liberal features and as an early skirmish in what will be a long political war over whether and how to emancipate millions of non-citizen Palestinian Arabs living in effectively annexed territories.

This article analyzes the effects of Israel's democratic backsliding on the Palestinian population in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. While research on democratic backsliding focuses on the erosion of liberal democratic features and how this influences democracies’ citizenry, Israel's composite regime offers a unique setting: an established (albeit weakened) liberal democracy ‘within the Green Line’ alongside an established occupation devoid of democratic features ‘beyond the Green Line.’ Exploring this, I analyze how Israel's belligerent occupation has at times been restrained by the ‘democratic side’ of the country, resulting in Palestinians indirectly benefiting from Israel's democracy while not having democratic rights themselves. The article thus demonstrates how Palestinians may be among the first populations to suffer from democratic backsliding while themselves being devoid of democratic rights.

This article delves into the intricate relationship between the Islamic Movement and the authorities in Israel. It specifically examines the strategy of integrating the southern faction into Israeli politics in recent years and during the emergence of the democracy crisis in Israel. I term this strategy ‘the politics of musaiyyara’ (flowing with reality), a distinctive approach within the Israeli context. This approach utilizes the Knesset as a platform for forging new alliances with Zionist actors, sidestepping discussions on issues related to the Israeli occupation. The article relies on primary sources that convey the perspectives of the Islamic Movement, specifically its two leaders, Sheikh ʻAbd Allāh Nimr Darwīsh, representing the old generation, and MK Mansour Abbas, representing the newer generation within the movement.

Since assuming office in December 2022, Israel's government has worked to weaken the state's democratic infrastructure. While this appears to break from a long-standing Israeli consensus on democracy, this article demonstrates that retiring democracy has long been the agenda of the faction of the Israeli right most empowered in Israel's current government, namely the settler movement. Following the discourse in Sovereignty: A Political Journal, it finds that by recasting ‘sovereignty’ as involving annexation and disenfranchizing Palestinians, the settler right has consistently portrayed democracy—and particularly the Supreme Court that serves as a check on governmental power and protects minorities—as an obstacle to ‘sovereignty.’ Considering the settler right's political vision, the article claims that defending democracy today will necessarily involve engaging contentious questions of occupation and annexation.

The proposal introduced in January 2023 for a ‘judicial overhaul’ in Israel has been characterized as a seismic event. Labeled a ‘reform’ by supporters and a ‘coup’ by skeptics, the proposal is better understood as part of a long process rather than a sudden event. This process involves gradual but persistent executive aggrandizement advanced by weakening multiple institutions of horizontal accountability and the media, alongside the imposition of restrictions on oppositional organizational capacity. Accordingly, the process should be defined in terms of autocratization. The spokes analogy is invoked to highlight the interconnectedness between the various realms that collectively underpin the regime.

This article analyzes the implications of the proposals of the Minister of Justice and the Chair of the Knesset's Constitution Committee to overhaul the judiciary of Israel. These proposals, if legislated, will undermine basic principles of democracy, the rule of law, and the protection of human rights. In the absence of a complete formal constitution and its relatively weak system of checks and balances, Israel has developed several institutions that protect the rule of law and human rights, including a Supreme Court with the power of judicial review of legislation; a balanced and professional system for selecting judges; a strong legal civil service, with a relatively independent attorney general. The so-called legal reforms deal specifically with these institutions, and seek to weaken or annul them. As such, this judicial overhaul is tantamount to a revolutionary attempt to change the regime and would undermine the democratic character of Israel.

This article offers two interpretations of the constitutional confrontation that ensued over the proposed 2023 judicial overhaul legislation. It places the debate in the context of a broader culture war over Israel's conditions of legitimacy and as a continuum. At one end of the spectrum, the judicial overhaul legislation can be seen as pursuing a ‘decision to decide’ tactic, countered by the opposition using the same constitutional tactic in the opposite direction. On the other end of the spectrum, the judicial overhaul program could be viewed as an opening position in constitutional negotiations, with reform advocates seeking only the nomination of a few committed conservative justices and the maintenance of the constitutional status quo of deciding not decide. To this end, the nationalists’ move was again countered by the opposition using the same constitutional tactic but in the opposite direction to prevent this outcome.

Using the 2023 controversy over Israel's judicial overhaul as a case, this article analyzes the broader, decades-long debate about the nature of the Israeli regime. It demonstrates how conflicting assumptions about democracy and the Israeli regime underpin different interpretations of the proposed judicial overhaul. The 2023 debate contraposed majoritarian and liberal orientations, echoing previous understandings of Israel as either a liberal democracy or a diminished type of democracy like ethnic democracy. Despite their differences, both positions in this debate regard Israel as a democracy equivalent to other liberal democracies in the West and neglect the question of the regime's borders and its implication for the regime's classification.

Political scientists distinguish between governments and regimes. A government is comprised of incumbents holding positions of authority specified within an institutionalized “regime,” that is, a legal order. Within a well-institutionalized regime, politics consists of legal struggles over what governments and government officials do. But when the issues in contention pertain to what governments are authorized to do, and not about what they should do, competitors may no longer feel bound to follow the rules. Such struggles can threaten the integrity of the regime. This article suggests that the prolonged, if temporarily sidelined, crisis over the overhaul of the Israeli judiciary should be understood less as a threat to democracy than as both a challenge to the Israeli regime's remaining liberal features and as an early skirmish in what will be a long political war over whether and how to emancipate millions of non-citizen Palestinian Arabs living in effectively annexed territories.

This article analyzes the effects of Israel's democratic backsliding on the Palestinian population in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. While research on democratic backsliding focuses on the erosion of liberal democratic features and how this influences democracies’ citizenry, Israel's composite regime offers a unique setting: an established (albeit weakened) liberal democracy ‘within the Green Line’ alongside an established occupation devoid of democratic features ‘beyond the Green Line.’ Exploring this, I analyze how Israel's belligerent occupation has at times been restrained by the ‘democratic side’ of the country, resulting in Palestinians indirectly benefiting from Israel's democracy while not having democratic rights themselves. The article thus demonstrates how Palestinians may be among the first populations to suffer from democratic backsliding while themselves being devoid of democratic rights.

This article delves into the intricate relationship between the Islamic Movement and the authorities in Israel. It specifically examines the strategy of integrating the southern faction into Israeli politics in recent years and during the emergence of the democracy crisis in Israel. I term this strategy ‘the politics of musaiyyara’ (flowing with reality), a distinctive approach within the Israeli context. This approach utilizes the Knesset as a platform for forging new alliances with Zionist actors, sidestepping discussions on issues related to the Israeli occupation. The article relies on primary sources that convey the perspectives of the Islamic Movement, specifically its two leaders, Sheikh ʻAbd Allāh Nimr Darwīsh, representing the old generation, and MK Mansour Abbas, representing the newer generation within the movement.

Since assuming office in December 2022, Israel's government has worked to weaken the state's democratic infrastructure. While this appears to break from a long-standing Israeli consensus on democracy, this article demonstrates that retiring democracy has long been the agenda of the faction of the Israeli right most empowered in Israel's current government, namely the settler movement. Following the discourse in Sovereignty: A Political Journal, it finds that by recasting ‘sovereignty’ as involving annexation and disenfranchizing Palestinians, the settler right has consistently portrayed democracy—and particularly the Supreme Court that serves as a check on governmental power and protects minorities—as an obstacle to ‘sovereignty.’ Considering the settler right's political vision, the article claims that defending democracy today will necessarily involve engaging contentious questions of occupation and annexation.

Over the years, the ‘hilltop youth’ have acted in opposition to both Israeli state authorities and the settler leadership. Israeli society viewed them as a group acting to realize an extremist religious ideology while violating Israeli law and ignoring the state's decisions. However, after coming to feel that their social position was making it difficult for them to realize their vision, they embarked upon a process of trying to gain political legitimacy. By turning to mass media and by disseminating messages with which the public at large could identify, they have worked to move closer to Israeli consensus opinion. We identify the steps through which this was carried out and trace its success. The process reached a significant point in 2023 when politicians identified with the hilltop youth took up important ministerial positions in government, marking their transition from actors who opposed the state to ones responsible for its decisions.

The horrid events of October 7 and ensuing war have profoundly impacted the Israel Studies academic community. Our hearts go out to the victims, survivors, and their family members. We are republishing the statement issued by the AIS executive on October 13.

The horrid events of October 7 and ensuing war have profoundly impacted the Israel Studies academic community. Our hearts go out to the victims, survivors, and their family members. We are republishing the statement issued by the AIS executive on October 13.

This Special Issue is dedicated to the study of public policies in Israel. The issue illustrates the dynamics, specific character, and complexity of policy approaches to diverse issues in Israel. Our aim is to analyze challenges and offer practical remedies. By focusing on public policies, we highlight concepts and strategies of policy management. We also offer recommendations for improving the understanding of some intricate issues and, ipso facto, social conditions in a number of spheres.

The horrid events of October 7 and ensuing war have profoundly impacted the Israel Studies academic community. Our hearts go out to the victims, survivors, and their family members. We are republishing the statement issued by the AIS executive on October 13.

This Special Issue is dedicated to the study of public policies in Israel. The issue illustrates the dynamics, specific character, and complexity of policy approaches to diverse issues in Israel. Our aim is to analyze challenges and offer practical remedies. By focusing on public policies, we highlight concepts and strategies of policy management. We also offer recommendations for improving the understanding of some intricate issues and, ipso facto, social conditions in a number of spheres.

Constructivists in the field of International Relations assume that states not only seek to ensure their physical security but also try to secure their identities by maintaining durable behavioral patterns in their relations with other actors. The dominant identity of the Israeli state is associated with policies characterized by resoluteness and decisiveness. This article argues that this state identity also manifests itself in the domestic sphere and presents case studies of two such manifestations. The first pertains to the development of Israeli offshore gas fields in the Eastern Mediterranean while the second deals with the country's COVID-19 pandemic containment strategy. The two cases are similar in the decisive and extraordinary character of the measures that the government attempted to use. At the same time, in the first case study this attempt was mostly unsuccessful and only in the second case the decisive stance was effectively implemented.

The horrid events of October 7 and ensuing war have profoundly impacted the Israel Studies academic community. Our hearts go out to the victims, survivors, and their family members. We are republishing the statement issued by the AIS executive on October 13.

This Special Issue is dedicated to the study of public policies in Israel. The issue illustrates the dynamics, specific character, and complexity of policy approaches to diverse issues in Israel. Our aim is to analyze challenges and offer practical remedies. By focusing on public policies, we highlight concepts and strategies of policy management. We also offer recommendations for improving the understanding of some intricate issues and, ipso facto, social conditions in a number of spheres.

Constructivists in the field of International Relations assume that states not only seek to ensure their physical security but also try to secure their identities by maintaining durable behavioral patterns in their relations with other actors. The dominant identity of the Israeli state is associated with policies characterized by resoluteness and decisiveness. This article argues that this state identity also manifests itself in the domestic sphere and presents case studies of two such manifestations. The first pertains to the development of Israeli offshore gas fields in the Eastern Mediterranean while the second deals with the country's COVID-19 pandemic containment strategy. The two cases are similar in the decisive and extraordinary character of the measures that the government attempted to use. At the same time, in the first case study this attempt was mostly unsuccessful and only in the second case the decisive stance was effectively implemented.

In March 2020, the Israeli government decided that its internal security agency may collect, process, and use technological information measures to tackle the spread of COVID-19. This was done by tracking the cellphones of those who may have contracted the virus, along with obtaining details on those who were in proximity for more than fifteen minutes and fourteen days prior to the positive outcome of those traced. The article discusses the controversial track and trace measure and proposes an alternative model of using tracing technology, considering the obligation to preserve human life and the right to individual privacy among other rights and liberties. It is argued that measures infringing on the right to privacy must be effectively restricted in time and meet standards of necessity, proportionality, and scientific validity, as required by constitutional standards. The government needs to balance the right to health against the right to privacy.

The horrid events of October 7 and ensuing war have profoundly impacted the Israel Studies academic community. Our hearts go out to the victims, survivors, and their family members. We are republishing the statement issued by the AIS executive on October 13.

This Special Issue is dedicated to the study of public policies in Israel. The issue illustrates the dynamics, specific character, and complexity of policy approaches to diverse issues in Israel. Our aim is to analyze challenges and offer practical remedies. By focusing on public policies, we highlight concepts and strategies of policy management. We also offer recommendations for improving the understanding of some intricate issues and, ipso facto, social conditions in a number of spheres.

Constructivists in the field of International Relations assume that states not only seek to ensure their physical security but also try to secure their identities by maintaining durable behavioral patterns in their relations with other actors. The dominant identity of the Israeli state is associated with policies characterized by resoluteness and decisiveness. This article argues that this state identity also manifests itself in the domestic sphere and presents case studies of two such manifestations. The first pertains to the development of Israeli offshore gas fields in the Eastern Mediterranean while the second deals with the country's COVID-19 pandemic containment strategy. The two cases are similar in the decisive and extraordinary character of the measures that the government attempted to use. At the same time, in the first case study this attempt was mostly unsuccessful and only in the second case the decisive stance was effectively implemented.

In March 2020, the Israeli government decided that its internal security agency may collect, process, and use technological information measures to tackle the spread of COVID-19. This was done by tracking the cellphones of those who may have contracted the virus, along with obtaining details on those who were in proximity for more than fifteen minutes and fourteen days prior to the positive outcome of those traced. The article discusses the controversial track and trace measure and proposes an alternative model of using tracing technology, considering the obligation to preserve human life and the right to individual privacy among other rights and liberties. It is argued that measures infringing on the right to privacy must be effectively restricted in time and meet standards of necessity, proportionality, and scientific validity, as required by constitutional standards. The government needs to balance the right to health against the right to privacy.

What strategies do state institutions use to maintain their existing unpopular policies? To what extent are citizens content with these strategies? This article presents a model classifying the various methods state institutions use to manage unpopular policies while keeping these core policies intact. The model demonstrates that state institutions manage unpopular policies by using three strategies, adjusted accordingly to counteract societal discontent: (1) disregard, (2) accommodation of under-the-legislative-threshold alternatives, and (3) partial institutional modification. To test this model, I compare three religion-based policies in Israel: marriage, public transportation on Saturday (the Jewish Sabbath), and kosher food inspection in public institutions. Each policy is an example of the different measures taken by state institutions to mitigate societal discontent without changing the core of the policy.

The horrid events of October 7 and ensuing war have profoundly impacted the Israel Studies academic community. Our hearts go out to the victims, survivors, and their family members. We are republishing the statement issued by the AIS executive on October 13.

This Special Issue is dedicated to the study of public policies in Israel. The issue illustrates the dynamics, specific character, and complexity of policy approaches to diverse issues in Israel. Our aim is to analyze challenges and offer practical remedies. By focusing on public policies, we highlight concepts and strategies of policy management. We also offer recommendations for improving the understanding of some intricate issues and, ipso facto, social conditions in a number of spheres.

Constructivists in the field of International Relations assume that states not only seek to ensure their physical security but also try to secure their identities by maintaining durable behavioral patterns in their relations with other actors. The dominant identity of the Israeli state is associated with policies characterized by resoluteness and decisiveness. This article argues that this state identity also manifests itself in the domestic sphere and presents case studies of two such manifestations. The first pertains to the development of Israeli offshore gas fields in the Eastern Mediterranean while the second deals with the country's COVID-19 pandemic containment strategy. The two cases are similar in the decisive and extraordinary character of the measures that the government attempted to use. At the same time, in the first case study this attempt was mostly unsuccessful and only in the second case the decisive stance was effectively implemented.

In March 2020, the Israeli government decided that its internal security agency may collect, process, and use technological information measures to tackle the spread of COVID-19. This was done by tracking the cellphones of those who may have contracted the virus, along with obtaining details on those who were in proximity for more than fifteen minutes and fourteen days prior to the positive outcome of those traced. The article discusses the controversial track and trace measure and proposes an alternative model of using tracing technology, considering the obligation to preserve human life and the right to individual privacy among other rights and liberties. It is argued that measures infringing on the right to privacy must be effectively restricted in time and meet standards of necessity, proportionality, and scientific validity, as required by constitutional standards. The government needs to balance the right to health against the right to privacy.

What strategies do state institutions use to maintain their existing unpopular policies? To what extent are citizens content with these strategies? This article presents a model classifying the various methods state institutions use to manage unpopular policies while keeping these core policies intact. The model demonstrates that state institutions manage unpopular policies by using three strategies, adjusted accordingly to counteract societal discontent: (1) disregard, (2) accommodation of under-the-legislative-threshold alternatives, and (3) partial institutional modification. To test this model, I compare three religion-based policies in Israel: marriage, public transportation on Saturday (the Jewish Sabbath), and kosher food inspection in public institutions. Each policy is an example of the different measures taken by state institutions to mitigate societal discontent without changing the core of the policy.

The significance of the Western Wall in Jerusalem has undergone numerous transformations over time. Originally a supporting wall for the Temple Mount, it became the focus of mourning after the Temple's destruction, and later a symbol for national rebirth; after the Six-Day War in 1967, Israel reclaimed it as part of its capital. Since then, two trends have been notable: strict religious authorities have taken charge of the site, and this transfer has been portrayed as part of an overall and purportedly inevitable shift in modern Israeli history. But the subsuming of national-historical significance of the Western Wall into a narrower religious one was not inevitable, and this article presents a number of viable policy alternatives that were available in 1967. Moreover, it suggests that the current status of the wall and policy towards it are outliers relative to mainstream public opinion, an example of political expediency conflicting with public interest.

The horrid events of October 7 and ensuing war have profoundly impacted the Israel Studies academic community. Our hearts go out to the victims, survivors, and their family members. We are republishing the statement issued by the AIS executive on October 13.

This Special Issue is dedicated to the study of public policies in Israel. The issue illustrates the dynamics, specific character, and complexity of policy approaches to diverse issues in Israel. Our aim is to analyze challenges and offer practical remedies. By focusing on public policies, we highlight concepts and strategies of policy management. We also offer recommendations for improving the understanding of some intricate issues and, ipso facto, social conditions in a number of spheres.

Constructivists in the field of International Relations assume that states not only seek to ensure their physical security but also try to secure their identities by maintaining durable behavioral patterns in their relations with other actors. The dominant identity of the Israeli state is associated with policies characterized by resoluteness and decisiveness. This article argues that this state identity also manifests itself in the domestic sphere and presents case studies of two such manifestations. The first pertains to the development of Israeli offshore gas fields in the Eastern Mediterranean while the second deals with the country's COVID-19 pandemic containment strategy. The two cases are similar in the decisive and extraordinary character of the measures that the government attempted to use. At the same time, in the first case study this attempt was mostly unsuccessful and only in the second case the decisive stance was effectively implemented.

In March 2020, the Israeli government decided that its internal security agency may collect, process, and use technological information measures to tackle the spread of COVID-19. This was done by tracking the cellphones of those who may have contracted the virus, along with obtaining details on those who were in proximity for more than fifteen minutes and fourteen days prior to the positive outcome of those traced. The article discusses the controversial track and trace measure and proposes an alternative model of using tracing technology, considering the obligation to preserve human life and the right to individual privacy among other rights and liberties. It is argued that measures infringing on the right to privacy must be effectively restricted in time and meet standards of necessity, proportionality, and scientific validity, as required by constitutional standards. The government needs to balance the right to health against the right to privacy.

What strategies do state institutions use to maintain their existing unpopular policies? To what extent are citizens content with these strategies? This article presents a model classifying the various methods state institutions use to manage unpopular policies while keeping these core policies intact. The model demonstrates that state institutions manage unpopular policies by using three strategies, adjusted accordingly to counteract societal discontent: (1) disregard, (2) accommodation of under-the-legislative-threshold alternatives, and (3) partial institutional modification. To test this model, I compare three religion-based policies in Israel: marriage, public transportation on Saturday (the Jewish Sabbath), and kosher food inspection in public institutions. Each policy is an example of the different measures taken by state institutions to mitigate societal discontent without changing the core of the policy.

The significance of the Western Wall in Jerusalem has undergone numerous transformations over time. Originally a supporting wall for the Temple Mount, it became the focus of mourning after the Temple's destruction, and later a symbol for national rebirth; after the Six-Day War in 1967, Israel reclaimed it as part of its capital. Since then, two trends have been notable: strict religious authorities have taken charge of the site, and this transfer has been portrayed as part of an overall and purportedly inevitable shift in modern Israeli history. But the subsuming of national-historical significance of the Western Wall into a narrower religious one was not inevitable, and this article presents a number of viable policy alternatives that were available in 1967. Moreover, it suggests that the current status of the wall and policy towards it are outliers relative to mainstream public opinion, an example of political expediency conflicting with public interest.

This article explores the contributions of non-governmental entities to Israeli policies for preventing and responding to oil spills on land and at sea. It discusses the legal and practical aspects of Israeli policies, reviews the country's experiences with oil spills, and examines two case studies. The policies in question exhibit characteristic features of the Israeli polity, such as centralization and deficiencies in long-term planning; activism by the judiciary, the media, experts, NGOs, and a multitude of public agencies; and procrastination, indecisiveness, and securitization. The non-governmental entities involved dispose of vital material and nonmaterial resources and play a visible role through information sharing, lobbying, litigating, and direct action. Deficiencies in governance harm prospects for streamlining these policies and enhancing the contributions of non-governmental entities.

The horrid events of October 7 and ensuing war have profoundly impacted the Israel Studies academic community. Our hearts go out to the victims, survivors, and their family members. We are republishing the statement issued by the AIS executive on October 13.

This Special Issue is dedicated to the study of public policies in Israel. The issue illustrates the dynamics, specific character, and complexity of policy approaches to diverse issues in Israel. Our aim is to analyze challenges and offer practical remedies. By focusing on public policies, we highlight concepts and strategies of policy management. We also offer recommendations for improving the understanding of some intricate issues and, ipso facto, social conditions in a number of spheres.

Constructivists in the field of International Relations assume that states not only seek to ensure their physical security but also try to secure their identities by maintaining durable behavioral patterns in their relations with other actors. The dominant identity of the Israeli state is associated with policies characterized by resoluteness and decisiveness. This article argues that this state identity also manifests itself in the domestic sphere and presents case studies of two such manifestations. The first pertains to the development of Israeli offshore gas fields in the Eastern Mediterranean while the second deals with the country's COVID-19 pandemic containment strategy. The two cases are similar in the decisive and extraordinary character of the measures that the government attempted to use. At the same time, in the first case study this attempt was mostly unsuccessful and only in the second case the decisive stance was effectively implemented.

In March 2020, the Israeli government decided that its internal security agency may collect, process, and use technological information measures to tackle the spread of COVID-19. This was done by tracking the cellphones of those who may have contracted the virus, along with obtaining details on those who were in proximity for more than fifteen minutes and fourteen days prior to the positive outcome of those traced. The article discusses the controversial track and trace measure and proposes an alternative model of using tracing technology, considering the obligation to preserve human life and the right to individual privacy among other rights and liberties. It is argued that measures infringing on the right to privacy must be effectively restricted in time and meet standards of necessity, proportionality, and scientific validity, as required by constitutional standards. The government needs to balance the right to health against the right to privacy.

What strategies do state institutions use to maintain their existing unpopular policies? To what extent are citizens content with these strategies? This article presents a model classifying the various methods state institutions use to manage unpopular policies while keeping these core policies intact. The model demonstrates that state institutions manage unpopular policies by using three strategies, adjusted accordingly to counteract societal discontent: (1) disregard, (2) accommodation of under-the-legislative-threshold alternatives, and (3) partial institutional modification. To test this model, I compare three religion-based policies in Israel: marriage, public transportation on Saturday (the Jewish Sabbath), and kosher food inspection in public institutions. Each policy is an example of the different measures taken by state institutions to mitigate societal discontent without changing the core of the policy.

The significance of the Western Wall in Jerusalem has undergone numerous transformations over time. Originally a supporting wall for the Temple Mount, it became the focus of mourning after the Temple's destruction, and later a symbol for national rebirth; after the Six-Day War in 1967, Israel reclaimed it as part of its capital. Since then, two trends have been notable: strict religious authorities have taken charge of the site, and this transfer has been portrayed as part of an overall and purportedly inevitable shift in modern Israeli history. But the subsuming of national-historical significance of the Western Wall into a narrower religious one was not inevitable, and this article presents a number of viable policy alternatives that were available in 1967. Moreover, it suggests that the current status of the wall and policy towards it are outliers relative to mainstream public opinion, an example of political expediency conflicting with public interest.

This article explores the contributions of non-governmental entities to Israeli policies for preventing and responding to oil spills on land and at sea. It discusses the legal and practical aspects of Israeli policies, reviews the country's experiences with oil spills, and examines two case studies. The policies in question exhibit characteristic features of the Israeli polity, such as centralization and deficiencies in long-term planning; activism by the judiciary, the media, experts, NGOs, and a multitude of public agencies; and procrastination, indecisiveness, and securitization. The non-governmental entities involved dispose of vital material and nonmaterial resources and play a visible role through information sharing, lobbying, litigating, and direct action. Deficiencies in governance harm prospects for streamlining these policies and enhancing the contributions of non-governmental entities.

This article deals with Israel's cultural policy and public funding for the arts—a nascent, under-developed research field in Israeli scholarship. The article focuses on the plastic arts and film, presenting data about the system of budget allocation and the structure of relevant Ministry of Culture and Sports decision-making committees. The discussion takes a gender perspective, focusing on obstacles women artists face in accessibility to public budgets for the arts. These challenges, we argue, are compounded when considering additional and overlapping identity categories. We apply intersectional analysis—a perspective that considers positionality and social background, including gender, class, race, nationality, and religion—and conclude with suggestions for improving public policy for the arts.

The horrid events of October 7 and ensuing war have profoundly impacted the Israel Studies academic community. Our hearts go out to the victims, survivors, and their family members. We are republishing the statement issued by the AIS executive on October 13.

This Special Issue is dedicated to the study of public policies in Israel. The issue illustrates the dynamics, specific character, and complexity of policy approaches to diverse issues in Israel. Our aim is to analyze challenges and offer practical remedies. By focusing on public policies, we highlight concepts and strategies of policy management. We also offer recommendations for improving the understanding of some intricate issues and, ipso facto, social conditions in a number of spheres.

Constructivists in the field of International Relations assume that states not only seek to ensure their physical security but also try to secure their identities by maintaining durable behavioral patterns in their relations with other actors. The dominant identity of the Israeli state is associated with policies characterized by resoluteness and decisiveness. This article argues that this state identity also manifests itself in the domestic sphere and presents case studies of two such manifestations. The first pertains to the development of Israeli offshore gas fields in the Eastern Mediterranean while the second deals with the country's COVID-19 pandemic containment strategy. The two cases are similar in the decisive and extraordinary character of the measures that the government attempted to use. At the same time, in the first case study this attempt was mostly unsuccessful and only in the second case the decisive stance was effectively implemented.

In March 2020, the Israeli government decided that its internal security agency may collect, process, and use technological information measures to tackle the spread of COVID-19. This was done by tracking the cellphones of those who may have contracted the virus, along with obtaining details on those who were in proximity for more than fifteen minutes and fourteen days prior to the positive outcome of those traced. The article discusses the controversial track and trace measure and proposes an alternative model of using tracing technology, considering the obligation to preserve human life and the right to individual privacy among other rights and liberties. It is argued that measures infringing on the right to privacy must be effectively restricted in time and meet standards of necessity, proportionality, and scientific validity, as required by constitutional standards. The government needs to balance the right to health against the right to privacy.

What strategies do state institutions use to maintain their existing unpopular policies? To what extent are citizens content with these strategies? This article presents a model classifying the various methods state institutions use to manage unpopular policies while keeping these core policies intact. The model demonstrates that state institutions manage unpopular policies by using three strategies, adjusted accordingly to counteract societal discontent: (1) disregard, (2) accommodation of under-the-legislative-threshold alternatives, and (3) partial institutional modification. To test this model, I compare three religion-based policies in Israel: marriage, public transportation on Saturday (the Jewish Sabbath), and kosher food inspection in public institutions. Each policy is an example of the different measures taken by state institutions to mitigate societal discontent without changing the core of the policy.

The significance of the Western Wall in Jerusalem has undergone numerous transformations over time. Originally a supporting wall for the Temple Mount, it became the focus of mourning after the Temple's destruction, and later a symbol for national rebirth; after the Six-Day War in 1967, Israel reclaimed it as part of its capital. Since then, two trends have been notable: strict religious authorities have taken charge of the site, and this transfer has been portrayed as part of an overall and purportedly inevitable shift in modern Israeli history. But the subsuming of national-historical significance of the Western Wall into a narrower religious one was not inevitable, and this article presents a number of viable policy alternatives that were available in 1967. Moreover, it suggests that the current status of the wall and policy towards it are outliers relative to mainstream public opinion, an example of political expediency conflicting with public interest.

This article explores the contributions of non-governmental entities to Israeli policies for preventing and responding to oil spills on land and at sea. It discusses the legal and practical aspects of Israeli policies, reviews the country's experiences with oil spills, and examines two case studies. The policies in question exhibit characteristic features of the Israeli polity, such as centralization and deficiencies in long-term planning; activism by the judiciary, the media, experts, NGOs, and a multitude of public agencies; and procrastination, indecisiveness, and securitization. The non-governmental entities involved dispose of vital material and nonmaterial resources and play a visible role through information sharing, lobbying, litigating, and direct action. Deficiencies in governance harm prospects for streamlining these policies and enhancing the contributions of non-governmental entities.

This article deals with Israel's cultural policy and public funding for the arts—a nascent, under-developed research field in Israeli scholarship. The article focuses on the plastic arts and film, presenting data about the system of budget allocation and the structure of relevant Ministry of Culture and Sports decision-making committees. The discussion takes a gender perspective, focusing on obstacles women artists face in accessibility to public budgets for the arts. These challenges, we argue, are compounded when considering additional and overlapping identity categories. We apply intersectional analysis—a perspective that considers positionality and social background, including gender, class, race, nationality, and religion—and conclude with suggestions for improving public policy for the arts.

Eshel, Ruth. Dance Spreads Its Wings: Israeli Concert Dance 1920–2010 (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter GmbH, 2021), 500 pp., $99.99 (hardback).

ROZENTAL, ROTEM. Pre-State Photographic Archives and the Zionist Movement (New York: Routledge, 2023). 260 pp., $128 (hardback).

We are deeply saddened by the loss of Professor Gad Barzilai (1958–2023), who died on 10 April 2023. Gadi was an influential scholar in the fields of law and political science. He served as the president of the Association for Israel Studies (AIS) from 2011 to 2013. His leadership, exceptional scholarship, and vision helped shape the field of Israel studies and foster important intellectual debates on issues pertinent to Israeli society.

We are deeply saddened by the loss of Professor Gad Barzilai (1958–2023), who died on 10 April 2023. Gadi was an influential scholar in the fields of law and political science. He served as the president of the Association for Israel Studies (AIS) from 2011 to 2013. His leadership, exceptional scholarship, and vision helped shape the field of Israel studies and foster important intellectual debates on issues pertinent to Israeli society.

Contrary to the commonly held belief that the 1993 Oslo Accord was a peace treaty, this article shows that it was an imbalanced interim agreement that unsurprisingly failed. Three decades later, the Israeli-Palestinian reality is marked by a massive expansion of Israel's settlement project, a gradual erasure of the Green Line, a symbiosis between Israeli security forces and the settlers, and an authoritarian and divided Palestinian leadership, with the Palestinian Authority acting as Israel's sub-contractor. Israel's regime of control also separates between Palestinian groups, with each group given a different set of limited rights. While the Oslo process had the potential to transform a predominantly ethnic struggle into a conflict over land and borders, the ramifications of the one single regime that has replaced the Oslo order cannot be underestimated. After describing these developments, the article introduces the contributions to the special issue, which add new perspectives to the still ongoing debate on the genesis, interpretation, and implications of Oslo.

We are deeply saddened by the loss of Professor Gad Barzilai (1958–2023), who died on 10 April 2023. Gadi was an influential scholar in the fields of law and political science. He served as the president of the Association for Israel Studies (AIS) from 2011 to 2013. His leadership, exceptional scholarship, and vision helped shape the field of Israel studies and foster important intellectual debates on issues pertinent to Israeli society.

Contrary to the commonly held belief that the 1993 Oslo Accord was a peace treaty, this article shows that it was an imbalanced interim agreement that unsurprisingly failed. Three decades later, the Israeli-Palestinian reality is marked by a massive expansion of Israel's settlement project, a gradual erasure of the Green Line, a symbiosis between Israeli security forces and the settlers, and an authoritarian and divided Palestinian leadership, with the Palestinian Authority acting as Israel's sub-contractor. Israel's regime of control also separates between Palestinian groups, with each group given a different set of limited rights. While the Oslo process had the potential to transform a predominantly ethnic struggle into a conflict over land and borders, the ramifications of the one single regime that has replaced the Oslo order cannot be underestimated. After describing these developments, the article introduces the contributions to the special issue, which add new perspectives to the still ongoing debate on the genesis, interpretation, and implications of Oslo.

This article examines the role of interpersonal trust (IPT) in establishing and developing the 1992–1993 Oslo Channel by drawing on a number of interviews alongside available English-language discursive material. The central argument is that IPT developed in two specific dyadic relationships in the Oslo Channel: between Dr. Yair Hirschfeld and Ahmed Qurei, and then between Qurei and Uri Savir. These relationships underpinned the development of the Oslo Channel. To support this argument, I examine the 1991–1993 Washington negotiations and demonstrate that IPT did not develop there. To analyze the relationships discussed in this article, I draw extensively on interdisciplinary literature on trust, examining how the basis for IPT changes in these dyads as the relationships develop. This article complements the existing literature on the Oslo Channel by examining the relationships between key individuals on the Israeli and Palestinian side.

We are deeply saddened by the loss of Professor Gad Barzilai (1958–2023), who died on 10 April 2023. Gadi was an influential scholar in the fields of law and political science. He served as the president of the Association for Israel Studies (AIS) from 2011 to 2013. His leadership, exceptional scholarship, and vision helped shape the field of Israel studies and foster important intellectual debates on issues pertinent to Israeli society.

Contrary to the commonly held belief that the 1993 Oslo Accord was a peace treaty, this article shows that it was an imbalanced interim agreement that unsurprisingly failed. Three decades later, the Israeli-Palestinian reality is marked by a massive expansion of Israel's settlement project, a gradual erasure of the Green Line, a symbiosis between Israeli security forces and the settlers, and an authoritarian and divided Palestinian leadership, with the Palestinian Authority acting as Israel's sub-contractor. Israel's regime of control also separates between Palestinian groups, with each group given a different set of limited rights. While the Oslo process had the potential to transform a predominantly ethnic struggle into a conflict over land and borders, the ramifications of the one single regime that has replaced the Oslo order cannot be underestimated. After describing these developments, the article introduces the contributions to the special issue, which add new perspectives to the still ongoing debate on the genesis, interpretation, and implications of Oslo.

This article examines the role of interpersonal trust (IPT) in establishing and developing the 1992–1993 Oslo Channel by drawing on a number of interviews alongside available English-language discursive material. The central argument is that IPT developed in two specific dyadic relationships in the Oslo Channel: between Dr. Yair Hirschfeld and Ahmed Qurei, and then between Qurei and Uri Savir. These relationships underpinned the development of the Oslo Channel. To support this argument, I examine the 1991–1993 Washington negotiations and demonstrate that IPT did not develop there. To analyze the relationships discussed in this article, I draw extensively on interdisciplinary literature on trust, examining how the basis for IPT changes in these dyads as the relationships develop. This article complements the existing literature on the Oslo Channel by examining the relationships between key individuals on the Israeli and Palestinian side.

How can ‘small’ and politically peripheral states have a significant impact on issues dominated by big states? For example, how did Norway come to play such an important role in fostering negotiations between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in the early 1990s? This article seeks to answer these questions by analyzing Norway's relationship with Israel and the PLO from 1948 until 1993, as well as Norway's role during the negotiations that led to the signing of the first Oslo Accord. Seen through the theoretical framework of small-state mediation, Norway's lack of influence might have helped convince the parties to open dialogue, but it also implied an inability to provide a level playing field for just negotiations.

We are deeply saddened by the loss of Professor Gad Barzilai (1958–2023), who died on 10 April 2023. Gadi was an influential scholar in the fields of law and political science. He served as the president of the Association for Israel Studies (AIS) from 2011 to 2013. His leadership, exceptional scholarship, and vision helped shape the field of Israel studies and foster important intellectual debates on issues pertinent to Israeli society.

Contrary to the commonly held belief that the 1993 Oslo Accord was a peace treaty, this article shows that it was an imbalanced interim agreement that unsurprisingly failed. Three decades later, the Israeli-Palestinian reality is marked by a massive expansion of Israel's settlement project, a gradual erasure of the Green Line, a symbiosis between Israeli security forces and the settlers, and an authoritarian and divided Palestinian leadership, with the Palestinian Authority acting as Israel's sub-contractor. Israel's regime of control also separates between Palestinian groups, with each group given a different set of limited rights. While the Oslo process had the potential to transform a predominantly ethnic struggle into a conflict over land and borders, the ramifications of the one single regime that has replaced the Oslo order cannot be underestimated. After describing these developments, the article introduces the contributions to the special issue, which add new perspectives to the still ongoing debate on the genesis, interpretation, and implications of Oslo.

This article examines the role of interpersonal trust (IPT) in establishing and developing the 1992–1993 Oslo Channel by drawing on a number of interviews alongside available English-language discursive material. The central argument is that IPT developed in two specific dyadic relationships in the Oslo Channel: between Dr. Yair Hirschfeld and Ahmed Qurei, and then between Qurei and Uri Savir. These relationships underpinned the development of the Oslo Channel. To support this argument, I examine the 1991–1993 Washington negotiations and demonstrate that IPT did not develop there. To analyze the relationships discussed in this article, I draw extensively on interdisciplinary literature on trust, examining how the basis for IPT changes in these dyads as the relationships develop. This article complements the existing literature on the Oslo Channel by examining the relationships between key individuals on the Israeli and Palestinian side.

How can ‘small’ and politically peripheral states have a significant impact on issues dominated by big states? For example, how did Norway come to play such an important role in fostering negotiations between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in the early 1990s? This article seeks to answer these questions by analyzing Norway's relationship with Israel and the PLO from 1948 until 1993, as well as Norway's role during the negotiations that led to the signing of the first Oslo Accord. Seen through the theoretical framework of small-state mediation, Norway's lack of influence might have helped convince the parties to open dialogue, but it also implied an inability to provide a level playing field for just negotiations.

Since 1993, professional and historical record literature has largely focused on the Norwegian involvement in the Oslo peace process. Denmark's extensive mediation efforts to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict have not received similar scrutiny. This article assesses Denmark's involvement in the period following the Oslo Declaration of Principles in 1993. Denmark's peace engagement included two main diplomatic tracks. The unofficial track was designated as the Louisiana Process and the official track was named the Road Map for Peace. In both tracks, Denmark was able to demonstrate a comprehensive foreign policy that reflected a unique mediation strategy. Denmark's capacity to alter the nature of the conflict was restricted by its meager resources and its inability to impose decisions on the involved parties.

We are deeply saddened by the loss of Professor Gad Barzilai (1958–2023), who died on 10 April 2023. Gadi was an influential scholar in the fields of law and political science. He served as the president of the Association for Israel Studies (AIS) from 2011 to 2013. His leadership, exceptional scholarship, and vision helped shape the field of Israel studies and foster important intellectual debates on issues pertinent to Israeli society.

Contrary to the commonly held belief that the 1993 Oslo Accord was a peace treaty, this article shows that it was an imbalanced interim agreement that unsurprisingly failed. Three decades later, the Israeli-Palestinian reality is marked by a massive expansion of Israel's settlement project, a gradual erasure of the Green Line, a symbiosis between Israeli security forces and the settlers, and an authoritarian and divided Palestinian leadership, with the Palestinian Authority acting as Israel's sub-contractor. Israel's regime of control also separates between Palestinian groups, with each group given a different set of limited rights. While the Oslo process had the potential to transform a predominantly ethnic struggle into a conflict over land and borders, the ramifications of the one single regime that has replaced the Oslo order cannot be underestimated. After describing these developments, the article introduces the contributions to the special issue, which add new perspectives to the still ongoing debate on the genesis, interpretation, and implications of Oslo.

This article examines the role of interpersonal trust (IPT) in establishing and developing the 1992–1993 Oslo Channel by drawing on a number of interviews alongside available English-language discursive material. The central argument is that IPT developed in two specific dyadic relationships in the Oslo Channel: between Dr. Yair Hirschfeld and Ahmed Qurei, and then between Qurei and Uri Savir. These relationships underpinned the development of the Oslo Channel. To support this argument, I examine the 1991–1993 Washington negotiations and demonstrate that IPT did not develop there. To analyze the relationships discussed in this article, I draw extensively on interdisciplinary literature on trust, examining how the basis for IPT changes in these dyads as the relationships develop. This article complements the existing literature on the Oslo Channel by examining the relationships between key individuals on the Israeli and Palestinian side.

How can ‘small’ and politically peripheral states have a significant impact on issues dominated by big states? For example, how did Norway come to play such an important role in fostering negotiations between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in the early 1990s? This article seeks to answer these questions by analyzing Norway's relationship with Israel and the PLO from 1948 until 1993, as well as Norway's role during the negotiations that led to the signing of the first Oslo Accord. Seen through the theoretical framework of small-state mediation, Norway's lack of influence might have helped convince the parties to open dialogue, but it also implied an inability to provide a level playing field for just negotiations.

Since 1993, professional and historical record literature has largely focused on the Norwegian involvement in the Oslo peace process. Denmark's extensive mediation efforts to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict have not received similar scrutiny. This article assesses Denmark's involvement in the period following the Oslo Declaration of Principles in 1993. Denmark's peace engagement included two main diplomatic tracks. The unofficial track was designated as the Louisiana Process and the official track was named the Road Map for Peace. In both tracks, Denmark was able to demonstrate a comprehensive foreign policy that reflected a unique mediation strategy. Denmark's capacity to alter the nature of the conflict was restricted by its meager resources and its inability to impose decisions on the involved parties.

In this article, I discuss how several documentaries and films by Amos Gitai provide primary oral and written sources to write a history from below of the Oslo Accords and of their demise. In the first part of the article, I discuss sources from a set of interconnected documentaries (Give Peace a Chance and Arena of Murder) filmed between 1994 and 1996; in the second, I focus on the movie Rabin, The Last Day (2015), and I explore sources from the so-called Gitai-Rabin archive deposited at the Bibliothèque National de France. Overall, this material brings us the voices of various groups within Israeli society and among Palestinians, revealing the complexity of the issues on the negotiating table, and the cultural, social, and political questions that the peace process unleashed.

We are deeply saddened by the loss of Professor Gad Barzilai (1958–2023), who died on 10 April 2023. Gadi was an influential scholar in the fields of law and political science. He served as the president of the Association for Israel Studies (AIS) from 2011 to 2013. His leadership, exceptional scholarship, and vision helped shape the field of Israel studies and foster important intellectual debates on issues pertinent to Israeli society.

Contrary to the commonly held belief that the 1993 Oslo Accord was a peace treaty, this article shows that it was an imbalanced interim agreement that unsurprisingly failed. Three decades later, the Israeli-Palestinian reality is marked by a massive expansion of Israel's settlement project, a gradual erasure of the Green Line, a symbiosis between Israeli security forces and the settlers, and an authoritarian and divided Palestinian leadership, with the Palestinian Authority acting as Israel's sub-contractor. Israel's regime of control also separates between Palestinian groups, with each group given a different set of limited rights. While the Oslo process had the potential to transform a predominantly ethnic struggle into a conflict over land and borders, the ramifications of the one single regime that has replaced the Oslo order cannot be underestimated. After describing these developments, the article introduces the contributions to the special issue, which add new perspectives to the still ongoing debate on the genesis, interpretation, and implications of Oslo.

This article examines the role of interpersonal trust (IPT) in establishing and developing the 1992–1993 Oslo Channel by drawing on a number of interviews alongside available English-language discursive material. The central argument is that IPT developed in two specific dyadic relationships in the Oslo Channel: between Dr. Yair Hirschfeld and Ahmed Qurei, and then between Qurei and Uri Savir. These relationships underpinned the development of the Oslo Channel. To support this argument, I examine the 1991–1993 Washington negotiations and demonstrate that IPT did not develop there. To analyze the relationships discussed in this article, I draw extensively on interdisciplinary literature on trust, examining how the basis for IPT changes in these dyads as the relationships develop. This article complements the existing literature on the Oslo Channel by examining the relationships between key individuals on the Israeli and Palestinian side.

How can ‘small’ and politically peripheral states have a significant impact on issues dominated by big states? For example, how did Norway come to play such an important role in fostering negotiations between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in the early 1990s? This article seeks to answer these questions by analyzing Norway's relationship with Israel and the PLO from 1948 until 1993, as well as Norway's role during the negotiations that led to the signing of the first Oslo Accord. Seen through the theoretical framework of small-state mediation, Norway's lack of influence might have helped convince the parties to open dialogue, but it also implied an inability to provide a level playing field for just negotiations.

Since 1993, professional and historical record literature has largely focused on the Norwegian involvement in the Oslo peace process. Denmark's extensive mediation efforts to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict have not received similar scrutiny. This article assesses Denmark's involvement in the period following the Oslo Declaration of Principles in 1993. Denmark's peace engagement included two main diplomatic tracks. The unofficial track was designated as the Louisiana Process and the official track was named the Road Map for Peace. In both tracks, Denmark was able to demonstrate a comprehensive foreign policy that reflected a unique mediation strategy. Denmark's capacity to alter the nature of the conflict was restricted by its meager resources and its inability to impose decisions on the involved parties.

In this article, I discuss how several documentaries and films by Amos Gitai provide primary oral and written sources to write a history from below of the Oslo Accords and of their demise. In the first part of the article, I discuss sources from a set of interconnected documentaries (Give Peace a Chance and Arena of Murder) filmed between 1994 and 1996; in the second, I focus on the movie Rabin, The Last Day (2015), and I explore sources from the so-called Gitai-Rabin archive deposited at the Bibliothèque National de France. Overall, this material brings us the voices of various groups within Israeli society and among Palestinians, revealing the complexity of the issues on the negotiating table, and the cultural, social, and political questions that the peace process unleashed.

The signing of the Oslo Accords in the 1990s between Israel and the PLO has had significant implications for the Palestinian-Arab community in Israel. From a three-decade perspective it becomes clear that the debate on Oslo continues to resonate among the various political and ideological circles in Israel's Arab community. While the members of the Arab-Jewish current consider the Oslo period the Golden Era of Arab parties in Israeli politics, the Palestinian nationalists in the Arab community sharply criticize not only the outcome of the Oslo Accords but also the Palestinian leadership that endorsed them as well. The Islamists greeted the Oslo Accords with mixed reactions but over time began to criticize their outcome as well. This article sheds light on the evolving narratives of Oslo among the various ideological currents in Israel's Arab society from the early 1990s to the present.

We are deeply saddened by the loss of Professor Gad Barzilai (1958–2023), who died on 10 April 2023. Gadi was an influential scholar in the fields of law and political science. He served as the president of the Association for Israel Studies (AIS) from 2011 to 2013. His leadership, exceptional scholarship, and vision helped shape the field of Israel studies and foster important intellectual debates on issues pertinent to Israeli society.

Contrary to the commonly held belief that the 1993 Oslo Accord was a peace treaty, this article shows that it was an imbalanced interim agreement that unsurprisingly failed. Three decades later, the Israeli-Palestinian reality is marked by a massive expansion of Israel's settlement project, a gradual erasure of the Green Line, a symbiosis between Israeli security forces and the settlers, and an authoritarian and divided Palestinian leadership, with the Palestinian Authority acting as Israel's sub-contractor. Israel's regime of control also separates between Palestinian groups, with each group given a different set of limited rights. While the Oslo process had the potential to transform a predominantly ethnic struggle into a conflict over land and borders, the ramifications of the one single regime that has replaced the Oslo order cannot be underestimated. After describing these developments, the article introduces the contributions to the special issue, which add new perspectives to the still ongoing debate on the genesis, interpretation, and implications of Oslo.

This article examines the role of interpersonal trust (IPT) in establishing and developing the 1992–1993 Oslo Channel by drawing on a number of interviews alongside available English-language discursive material. The central argument is that IPT developed in two specific dyadic relationships in the Oslo Channel: between Dr. Yair Hirschfeld and Ahmed Qurei, and then between Qurei and Uri Savir. These relationships underpinned the development of the Oslo Channel. To support this argument, I examine the 1991–1993 Washington negotiations and demonstrate that IPT did not develop there. To analyze the relationships discussed in this article, I draw extensively on interdisciplinary literature on trust, examining how the basis for IPT changes in these dyads as the relationships develop. This article complements the existing literature on the Oslo Channel by examining the relationships between key individuals on the Israeli and Palestinian side.

How can ‘small’ and politically peripheral states have a significant impact on issues dominated by big states? For example, how did Norway come to play such an important role in fostering negotiations between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in the early 1990s? This article seeks to answer these questions by analyzing Norway's relationship with Israel and the PLO from 1948 until 1993, as well as Norway's role during the negotiations that led to the signing of the first Oslo Accord. Seen through the theoretical framework of small-state mediation, Norway's lack of influence might have helped convince the parties to open dialogue, but it also implied an inability to provide a level playing field for just negotiations.

Since 1993, professional and historical record literature has largely focused on the Norwegian involvement in the Oslo peace process. Denmark's extensive mediation efforts to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict have not received similar scrutiny. This article assesses Denmark's involvement in the period following the Oslo Declaration of Principles in 1993. Denmark's peace engagement included two main diplomatic tracks. The unofficial track was designated as the Louisiana Process and the official track was named the Road Map for Peace. In both tracks, Denmark was able to demonstrate a comprehensive foreign policy that reflected a unique mediation strategy. Denmark's capacity to alter the nature of the conflict was restricted by its meager resources and its inability to impose decisions on the involved parties.

In this article, I discuss how several documentaries and films by Amos Gitai provide primary oral and written sources to write a history from below of the Oslo Accords and of their demise. In the first part of the article, I discuss sources from a set of interconnected documentaries (Give Peace a Chance and Arena of Murder) filmed between 1994 and 1996; in the second, I focus on the movie Rabin, The Last Day (2015), and I explore sources from the so-called Gitai-Rabin archive deposited at the Bibliothèque National de France. Overall, this material brings us the voices of various groups within Israeli society and among Palestinians, revealing the complexity of the issues on the negotiating table, and the cultural, social, and political questions that the peace process unleashed.

The signing of the Oslo Accords in the 1990s between Israel and the PLO has had significant implications for the Palestinian-Arab community in Israel. From a three-decade perspective it becomes clear that the debate on Oslo continues to resonate among the various political and ideological circles in Israel's Arab community. While the members of the Arab-Jewish current consider the Oslo period the Golden Era of Arab parties in Israeli politics, the Palestinian nationalists in the Arab community sharply criticize not only the outcome of the Oslo Accords but also the Palestinian leadership that endorsed them as well. The Islamists greeted the Oslo Accords with mixed reactions but over time began to criticize their outcome as well. This article sheds light on the evolving narratives of Oslo among the various ideological currents in Israel's Arab society from the early 1990s to the present.

Despite some improvement to the lives of Palestinians through human rights activism, this article argues that the legal regime governing Occupied Territories, combined with a rigid legalized conception and application of human rights, limits the ability to achieve human rights protections for those living under prolonged military occupations. Drawing on a critique of liberal legalism, this article will identify four key barriers to change through an analysis of court cases and human rights reports in the Israeli military occupation of the Palestinians. It will trace key shifts in human rights organizations in Israel and Palestine, which seek to overcome these limitations in an effort to secure long-term human rights for Palestinians.

We are deeply saddened by the loss of Professor Gad Barzilai (1958–2023), who died on 10 April 2023. Gadi was an influential scholar in the fields of law and political science. He served as the president of the Association for Israel Studies (AIS) from 2011 to 2013. His leadership, exceptional scholarship, and vision helped shape the field of Israel studies and foster important intellectual debates on issues pertinent to Israeli society.

Contrary to the commonly held belief that the 1993 Oslo Accord was a peace treaty, this article shows that it was an imbalanced interim agreement that unsurprisingly failed. Three decades later, the Israeli-Palestinian reality is marked by a massive expansion of Israel's settlement project, a gradual erasure of the Green Line, a symbiosis between Israeli security forces and the settlers, and an authoritarian and divided Palestinian leadership, with the Palestinian Authority acting as Israel's sub-contractor. Israel's regime of control also separates between Palestinian groups, with each group given a different set of limited rights. While the Oslo process had the potential to transform a predominantly ethnic struggle into a conflict over land and borders, the ramifications of the one single regime that has replaced the Oslo order cannot be underestimated. After describing these developments, the article introduces the contributions to the special issue, which add new perspectives to the still ongoing debate on the genesis, interpretation, and implications of Oslo.

This article examines the role of interpersonal trust (IPT) in establishing and developing the 1992–1993 Oslo Channel by drawing on a number of interviews alongside available English-language discursive material. The central argument is that IPT developed in two specific dyadic relationships in the Oslo Channel: between Dr. Yair Hirschfeld and Ahmed Qurei, and then between Qurei and Uri Savir. These relationships underpinned the development of the Oslo Channel. To support this argument, I examine the 1991–1993 Washington negotiations and demonstrate that IPT did not develop there. To analyze the relationships discussed in this article, I draw extensively on interdisciplinary literature on trust, examining how the basis for IPT changes in these dyads as the relationships develop. This article complements the existing literature on the Oslo Channel by examining the relationships between key individuals on the Israeli and Palestinian side.

How can ‘small’ and politically peripheral states have a significant impact on issues dominated by big states? For example, how did Norway come to play such an important role in fostering negotiations between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in the early 1990s? This article seeks to answer these questions by analyzing Norway's relationship with Israel and the PLO from 1948 until 1993, as well as Norway's role during the negotiations that led to the signing of the first Oslo Accord. Seen through the theoretical framework of small-state mediation, Norway's lack of influence might have helped convince the parties to open dialogue, but it also implied an inability to provide a level playing field for just negotiations.

Since 1993, professional and historical record literature has largely focused on the Norwegian involvement in the Oslo peace process. Denmark's extensive mediation efforts to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict have not received similar scrutiny. This article assesses Denmark's involvement in the period following the Oslo Declaration of Principles in 1993. Denmark's peace engagement included two main diplomatic tracks. The unofficial track was designated as the Louisiana Process and the official track was named the Road Map for Peace. In both tracks, Denmark was able to demonstrate a comprehensive foreign policy that reflected a unique mediation strategy. Denmark's capacity to alter the nature of the conflict was restricted by its meager resources and its inability to impose decisions on the involved parties.

In this article, I discuss how several documentaries and films by Amos Gitai provide primary oral and written sources to write a history from below of the Oslo Accords and of their demise. In the first part of the article, I discuss sources from a set of interconnected documentaries (Give Peace a Chance and Arena of Murder) filmed between 1994 and 1996; in the second, I focus on the movie Rabin, The Last Day (2015), and I explore sources from the so-called Gitai-Rabin archive deposited at the Bibliothèque National de France. Overall, this material brings us the voices of various groups within Israeli society and among Palestinians, revealing the complexity of the issues on the negotiating table, and the cultural, social, and political questions that the peace process unleashed.

The signing of the Oslo Accords in the 1990s between Israel and the PLO has had significant implications for the Palestinian-Arab community in Israel. From a three-decade perspective it becomes clear that the debate on Oslo continues to resonate among the various political and ideological circles in Israel's Arab community. While the members of the Arab-Jewish current consider the Oslo period the Golden Era of Arab parties in Israeli politics, the Palestinian nationalists in the Arab community sharply criticize not only the outcome of the Oslo Accords but also the Palestinian leadership that endorsed them as well. The Islamists greeted the Oslo Accords with mixed reactions but over time began to criticize their outcome as well. This article sheds light on the evolving narratives of Oslo among the various ideological currents in Israel's Arab society from the early 1990s to the present.

Despite some improvement to the lives of Palestinians through human rights activism, this article argues that the legal regime governing Occupied Territories, combined with a rigid legalized conception and application of human rights, limits the ability to achieve human rights protections for those living under prolonged military occupations. Drawing on a critique of liberal legalism, this article will identify four key barriers to change through an analysis of court cases and human rights reports in the Israeli military occupation of the Palestinians. It will trace key shifts in human rights organizations in Israel and Palestine, which seek to overcome these limitations in an effort to secure long-term human rights for Palestinians.

Although previous studies have separately discussed the Oslo Accords and Israel–Africa relations, there has been little discussion of how and why relations between Israel and African countries evolved during the Oslo process and after its collapse. This article addresses these gaps, arguing that although the Oslo Accords did contribute to the establishment of diplomatic relations with many African countries, the contribution was minor and short-lived, and that common and national interests were more central motivations. It describes the complex nature of more recent developments in Israel-African relations and raises questions about the quality and consequences of bilateral relationships rooted mainly in national and common interests.

We are deeply saddened by the loss of Professor Gad Barzilai (1958–2023), who died on 10 April 2023. Gadi was an influential scholar in the fields of law and political science. He served as the president of the Association for Israel Studies (AIS) from 2011 to 2013. His leadership, exceptional scholarship, and vision helped shape the field of Israel studies and foster important intellectual debates on issues pertinent to Israeli society.

Contrary to the commonly held belief that the 1993 Oslo Accord was a peace treaty, this article shows that it was an imbalanced interim agreement that unsurprisingly failed. Three decades later, the Israeli-Palestinian reality is marked by a massive expansion of Israel's settlement project, a gradual erasure of the Green Line, a symbiosis between Israeli security forces and the settlers, and an authoritarian and divided Palestinian leadership, with the Palestinian Authority acting as Israel's sub-contractor. Israel's regime of control also separates between Palestinian groups, with each group given a different set of limited rights. While the Oslo process had the potential to transform a predominantly ethnic struggle into a conflict over land and borders, the ramifications of the one single regime that has replaced the Oslo order cannot be underestimated. After describing these developments, the article introduces the contributions to the special issue, which add new perspectives to the still ongoing debate on the genesis, interpretation, and implications of Oslo.

This article examines the role of interpersonal trust (IPT) in establishing and developing the 1992–1993 Oslo Channel by drawing on a number of interviews alongside available English-language discursive material. The central argument is that IPT developed in two specific dyadic relationships in the Oslo Channel: between Dr. Yair Hirschfeld and Ahmed Qurei, and then between Qurei and Uri Savir. These relationships underpinned the development of the Oslo Channel. To support this argument, I examine the 1991–1993 Washington negotiations and demonstrate that IPT did not develop there. To analyze the relationships discussed in this article, I draw extensively on interdisciplinary literature on trust, examining how the basis for IPT changes in these dyads as the relationships develop. This article complements the existing literature on the Oslo Channel by examining the relationships between key individuals on the Israeli and Palestinian side.

How can ‘small’ and politically peripheral states have a significant impact on issues dominated by big states? For example, how did Norway come to play such an important role in fostering negotiations between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in the early 1990s? This article seeks to answer these questions by analyzing Norway's relationship with Israel and the PLO from 1948 until 1993, as well as Norway's role during the negotiations that led to the signing of the first Oslo Accord. Seen through the theoretical framework of small-state mediation, Norway's lack of influence might have helped convince the parties to open dialogue, but it also implied an inability to provide a level playing field for just negotiations.

Since 1993, professional and historical record literature has largely focused on the Norwegian involvement in the Oslo peace process. Denmark's extensive mediation efforts to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict have not received similar scrutiny. This article assesses Denmark's involvement in the period following the Oslo Declaration of Principles in 1993. Denmark's peace engagement included two main diplomatic tracks. The unofficial track was designated as the Louisiana Process and the official track was named the Road Map for Peace. In both tracks, Denmark was able to demonstrate a comprehensive foreign policy that reflected a unique mediation strategy. Denmark's capacity to alter the nature of the conflict was restricted by its meager resources and its inability to impose decisions on the involved parties.

In this article, I discuss how several documentaries and films by Amos Gitai provide primary oral and written sources to write a history from below of the Oslo Accords and of their demise. In the first part of the article, I discuss sources from a set of interconnected documentaries (Give Peace a Chance and Arena of Murder) filmed between 1994 and 1996; in the second, I focus on the movie Rabin, The Last Day (2015), and I explore sources from the so-called Gitai-Rabin archive deposited at the Bibliothèque National de France. Overall, this material brings us the voices of various groups within Israeli society and among Palestinians, revealing the complexity of the issues on the negotiating table, and the cultural, social, and political questions that the peace process unleashed.

The signing of the Oslo Accords in the 1990s between Israel and the PLO has had significant implications for the Palestinian-Arab community in Israel. From a three-decade perspective it becomes clear that the debate on Oslo continues to resonate among the various political and ideological circles in Israel's Arab community. While the members of the Arab-Jewish current consider the Oslo period the Golden Era of Arab parties in Israeli politics, the Palestinian nationalists in the Arab community sharply criticize not only the outcome of the Oslo Accords but also the Palestinian leadership that endorsed them as well. The Islamists greeted the Oslo Accords with mixed reactions but over time began to criticize their outcome as well. This article sheds light on the evolving narratives of Oslo among the various ideological currents in Israel's Arab society from the early 1990s to the present.

Despite some improvement to the lives of Palestinians through human rights activism, this article argues that the legal regime governing Occupied Territories, combined with a rigid legalized conception and application of human rights, limits the ability to achieve human rights protections for those living under prolonged military occupations. Drawing on a critique of liberal legalism, this article will identify four key barriers to change through an analysis of court cases and human rights reports in the Israeli military occupation of the Palestinians. It will trace key shifts in human rights organizations in Israel and Palestine, which seek to overcome these limitations in an effort to secure long-term human rights for Palestinians.

Although previous studies have separately discussed the Oslo Accords and Israel–Africa relations, there has been little discussion of how and why relations between Israel and African countries evolved during the Oslo process and after its collapse. This article addresses these gaps, arguing that although the Oslo Accords did contribute to the establishment of diplomatic relations with many African countries, the contribution was minor and short-lived, and that common and national interests were more central motivations. It describes the complex nature of more recent developments in Israel-African relations and raises questions about the quality and consequences of bilateral relationships rooted mainly in national and common interests.

Mannheim observed that generational memory is shaped by the prominent public events an age cohort experienced for the first time as young adults. For Jewish-Israeli millennials, born 1980–1995, their political coming of age was shaped by the failure of Oslo, cyclical violence, and Israel's pursuit of policies of population separation from Palestinians. This article draws on a wider, phenomenological study (2014–20) of post-Oslo generational memory of self-described hiloni (‘secular’ in Hebrew) millennials across the political spectrum from left to right. More richly theorizing and nuancing what is popularly assumed about this demographic, it argues that Oslo's legacy is hope-as-waiting behavior. It introduces Rengger's concept of the anti-Pelagian imaginary to discussions of attitudes to Occupation, making a case for more carefully specifying this sensibility by Jewish-Israeli demographic subgroup. To comparatively research hope amid intractable conflict calls for deeper analysis of hope-as-waiting as a category of action.

We are deeply saddened by the loss of Professor Gad Barzilai (1958–2023), who died on 10 April 2023. Gadi was an influential scholar in the fields of law and political science. He served as the president of the Association for Israel Studies (AIS) from 2011 to 2013. His leadership, exceptional scholarship, and vision helped shape the field of Israel studies and foster important intellectual debates on issues pertinent to Israeli society.

Contrary to the commonly held belief that the 1993 Oslo Accord was a peace treaty, this article shows that it was an imbalanced interim agreement that unsurprisingly failed. Three decades later, the Israeli-Palestinian reality is marked by a massive expansion of Israel's settlement project, a gradual erasure of the Green Line, a symbiosis between Israeli security forces and the settlers, and an authoritarian and divided Palestinian leadership, with the Palestinian Authority acting as Israel's sub-contractor. Israel's regime of control also separates between Palestinian groups, with each group given a different set of limited rights. While the Oslo process had the potential to transform a predominantly ethnic struggle into a conflict over land and borders, the ramifications of the one single regime that has replaced the Oslo order cannot be underestimated. After describing these developments, the article introduces the contributions to the special issue, which add new perspectives to the still ongoing debate on the genesis, interpretation, and implications of Oslo.

This article examines the role of interpersonal trust (IPT) in establishing and developing the 1992–1993 Oslo Channel by drawing on a number of interviews alongside available English-language discursive material. The central argument is that IPT developed in two specific dyadic relationships in the Oslo Channel: between Dr. Yair Hirschfeld and Ahmed Qurei, and then between Qurei and Uri Savir. These relationships underpinned the development of the Oslo Channel. To support this argument, I examine the 1991–1993 Washington negotiations and demonstrate that IPT did not develop there. To analyze the relationships discussed in this article, I draw extensively on interdisciplinary literature on trust, examining how the basis for IPT changes in these dyads as the relationships develop. This article complements the existing literature on the Oslo Channel by examining the relationships between key individuals on the Israeli and Palestinian side.

How can ‘small’ and politically peripheral states have a significant impact on issues dominated by big states? For example, how did Norway come to play such an important role in fostering negotiations between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in the early 1990s? This article seeks to answer these questions by analyzing Norway's relationship with Israel and the PLO from 1948 until 1993, as well as Norway's role during the negotiations that led to the signing of the first Oslo Accord. Seen through the theoretical framework of small-state mediation, Norway's lack of influence might have helped convince the parties to open dialogue, but it also implied an inability to provide a level playing field for just negotiations.

Since 1993, professional and historical record literature has largely focused on the Norwegian involvement in the Oslo peace process. Denmark's extensive mediation efforts to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict have not received similar scrutiny. This article assesses Denmark's involvement in the period following the Oslo Declaration of Principles in 1993. Denmark's peace engagement included two main diplomatic tracks. The unofficial track was designated as the Louisiana Process and the official track was named the Road Map for Peace. In both tracks, Denmark was able to demonstrate a comprehensive foreign policy that reflected a unique mediation strategy. Denmark's capacity to alter the nature of the conflict was restricted by its meager resources and its inability to impose decisions on the involved parties.

In this article, I discuss how several documentaries and films by Amos Gitai provide primary oral and written sources to write a history from below of the Oslo Accords and of their demise. In the first part of the article, I discuss sources from a set of interconnected documentaries (Give Peace a Chance and Arena of Murder) filmed between 1994 and 1996; in the second, I focus on the movie Rabin, The Last Day (2015), and I explore sources from the so-called Gitai-Rabin archive deposited at the Bibliothèque National de France. Overall, this material brings us the voices of various groups within Israeli society and among Palestinians, revealing the complexity of the issues on the negotiating table, and the cultural, social, and political questions that the peace process unleashed.

The signing of the Oslo Accords in the 1990s between Israel and the PLO has had significant implications for the Palestinian-Arab community in Israel. From a three-decade perspective it becomes clear that the debate on Oslo continues to resonate among the various political and ideological circles in Israel's Arab community. While the members of the Arab-Jewish current consider the Oslo period the Golden Era of Arab parties in Israeli politics, the Palestinian nationalists in the Arab community sharply criticize not only the outcome of the Oslo Accords but also the Palestinian leadership that endorsed them as well. The Islamists greeted the Oslo Accords with mixed reactions but over time began to criticize their outcome as well. This article sheds light on the evolving narratives of Oslo among the various ideological currents in Israel's Arab society from the early 1990s to the present.

Despite some improvement to the lives of Palestinians through human rights activism, this article argues that the legal regime governing Occupied Territories, combined with a rigid legalized conception and application of human rights, limits the ability to achieve human rights protections for those living under prolonged military occupations. Drawing on a critique of liberal legalism, this article will identify four key barriers to change through an analysis of court cases and human rights reports in the Israeli military occupation of the Palestinians. It will trace key shifts in human rights organizations in Israel and Palestine, which seek to overcome these limitations in an effort to secure long-term human rights for Palestinians.

Although previous studies have separately discussed the Oslo Accords and Israel–Africa relations, there has been little discussion of how and why relations between Israel and African countries evolved during the Oslo process and after its collapse. This article addresses these gaps, arguing that although the Oslo Accords did contribute to the establishment of diplomatic relations with many African countries, the contribution was minor and short-lived, and that common and national interests were more central motivations. It describes the complex nature of more recent developments in Israel-African relations and raises questions about the quality and consequences of bilateral relationships rooted mainly in national and common interests.

Mannheim observed that generational memory is shaped by the prominent public events an age cohort experienced for the first time as young adults. For Jewish-Israeli millennials, born 1980–1995, their political coming of age was shaped by the failure of Oslo, cyclical violence, and Israel's pursuit of policies of population separation from Palestinians. This article draws on a wider, phenomenological study (2014–20) of post-Oslo generational memory of self-described hiloni (‘secular’ in Hebrew) millennials across the political spectrum from left to right. More richly theorizing and nuancing what is popularly assumed about this demographic, it argues that Oslo's legacy is hope-as-waiting behavior. It introduces Rengger's concept of the anti-Pelagian imaginary to discussions of attitudes to Occupation, making a case for more carefully specifying this sensibility by Jewish-Israeli demographic subgroup. To comparatively research hope amid intractable conflict calls for deeper analysis of hope-as-waiting as a category of action.

David Tal, The Making of an Alliance: The Origins and Development of the US–Israel Relationship (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2021), 320 pp., $ 89.99 (hardback).

Amal Jamal, Reconstructing the Civic: Palestinian Civil Activism in Israel (New York: State University of New York Press, 2021), 316 pp., $32.95 (paperback).

Ayala Levin, Architecture and Development: Israeli Construction in Sub-Saharan Africa and the Settler Colonial Imagination, 1958–1973 (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2022), 320 pp., $89.99 (hardback).

Tony Shaw and Giora Goodman, Hollywood and Israel: A History (New York: Columbia University Press, 2022), 368 pp., $105.89 (hardback).

Arieh Saposnik, Zionism's Redemption: Images of the Past and Visions of the Future in Jewish Nationalism (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2021), 300 pp., $99.99 (hardback).

We are gravely concerned about the perils of regime change in Israel. Academic freedom is premised on liberal democratic institutions and values. Absent checks and balances on the power of the executive, civil liberties, including the right to pursue and disseminate knowledge, are in jeopardy. The journal Israel Studies Review is wholly committed to enabling the free exchange of ideas without fear of punitive repercussions. We will continue to encourage diverse perspectives and voices of scholars from all backgrounds.

We are gravely concerned about the perils of regime change in Israel. Academic freedom is premised on liberal democratic institutions and values. Absent checks and balances on the power of the executive, civil liberties, including the right to pursue and disseminate knowledge, are in jeopardy. The journal Israel Studies Review is wholly committed to enabling the free exchange of ideas without fear of punitive repercussions. We will continue to encourage diverse perspectives and voices of scholars from all backgrounds.

This article examines gender separation at Jewish holy sites in the State of Israel. From a rare and sporadic phenomenon just a few decades ago, gender serparation at sacred sites has become normative. Segregation is in part directed ‘from above’ by the State of Israel's various religious arms, which fund, organize, and oversee the practice. But it also arises ‘from below’ as a result of the activity of individuals and Haredi groups—both Ashkenazi and Mizrahi—leading to the imposition of increasingly stringent modesty demands on Jewish Israeli women. Gender separation is presented as a religious obligation, and state authorities accept this extreme interpretation as if it represented a monolithic, unchanging religious position.

We are gravely concerned about the perils of regime change in Israel. Academic freedom is premised on liberal democratic institutions and values. Absent checks and balances on the power of the executive, civil liberties, including the right to pursue and disseminate knowledge, are in jeopardy. The journal Israel Studies Review is wholly committed to enabling the free exchange of ideas without fear of punitive repercussions. We will continue to encourage diverse perspectives and voices of scholars from all backgrounds.

This article examines gender separation at Jewish holy sites in the State of Israel. From a rare and sporadic phenomenon just a few decades ago, gender serparation at sacred sites has become normative. Segregation is in part directed ‘from above’ by the State of Israel's various religious arms, which fund, organize, and oversee the practice. But it also arises ‘from below’ as a result of the activity of individuals and Haredi groups—both Ashkenazi and Mizrahi—leading to the imposition of increasingly stringent modesty demands on Jewish Israeli women. Gender separation is presented as a religious obligation, and state authorities accept this extreme interpretation as if it represented a monolithic, unchanging religious position.

This article deals with the intersection between bereavement, gender, and art in the context of the cult of the fallen in Israel, focusing on the life story and artwork of two women artists, Asnat Austerlitz (b. 1969) and Michal Shachnai Yaakobi (b. 1967) who experienced orphanhood in a military context. Adopting the two-track model of bereavement suggested by Simon Rubin in 1981, the article offers an analytical, interdisciplinary examination of their artworks as adult women artists who are aware of the fragility of life and its finite character but also understand the importance and significance of continuing emotional bonds after death. Both have developed in diverse medium gender-based artistic creations related to the cult of the fallen creating models of alternative and counter-hegemonic memory that are manifested through personal languages full of irony, fantasy, and pain.

We are gravely concerned about the perils of regime change in Israel. Academic freedom is premised on liberal democratic institutions and values. Absent checks and balances on the power of the executive, civil liberties, including the right to pursue and disseminate knowledge, are in jeopardy. The journal Israel Studies Review is wholly committed to enabling the free exchange of ideas without fear of punitive repercussions. We will continue to encourage diverse perspectives and voices of scholars from all backgrounds.

This article examines gender separation at Jewish holy sites in the State of Israel. From a rare and sporadic phenomenon just a few decades ago, gender serparation at sacred sites has become normative. Segregation is in part directed ‘from above’ by the State of Israel's various religious arms, which fund, organize, and oversee the practice. But it also arises ‘from below’ as a result of the activity of individuals and Haredi groups—both Ashkenazi and Mizrahi—leading to the imposition of increasingly stringent modesty demands on Jewish Israeli women. Gender separation is presented as a religious obligation, and state authorities accept this extreme interpretation as if it represented a monolithic, unchanging religious position.

This article deals with the intersection between bereavement, gender, and art in the context of the cult of the fallen in Israel, focusing on the life story and artwork of two women artists, Asnat Austerlitz (b. 1969) and Michal Shachnai Yaakobi (b. 1967) who experienced orphanhood in a military context. Adopting the two-track model of bereavement suggested by Simon Rubin in 1981, the article offers an analytical, interdisciplinary examination of their artworks as adult women artists who are aware of the fragility of life and its finite character but also understand the importance and significance of continuing emotional bonds after death. Both have developed in diverse medium gender-based artistic creations related to the cult of the fallen creating models of alternative and counter-hegemonic memory that are manifested through personal languages full of irony, fantasy, and pain.

In societies experiencing intractable conflicts, civil society may seek conflict-management solutions that are not necessarily political or institutional. Israel, with a century-old conflict between Jews and Palestinian Arabs, has various NGOs trying to bring both sides together in different ways. The present study focuses on four such NGOs: Merchavim, Hand in Hand, Abraham Initiatives, and Sikkuy-Aufoq. Drawing on their websites and publications as well as interviews with their Jewish and Palestinian directors, it offers a comparative analysis of their goals, strategies, collaborations, evaluation methods, difficulties, and aspirations. The findings point to similarities and differences between the organizations’ agendas, painting a picture of the key issues confronting efforts to build a shared society in Israel.

We are gravely concerned about the perils of regime change in Israel. Academic freedom is premised on liberal democratic institutions and values. Absent checks and balances on the power of the executive, civil liberties, including the right to pursue and disseminate knowledge, are in jeopardy. The journal Israel Studies Review is wholly committed to enabling the free exchange of ideas without fear of punitive repercussions. We will continue to encourage diverse perspectives and voices of scholars from all backgrounds.

This article examines gender separation at Jewish holy sites in the State of Israel. From a rare and sporadic phenomenon just a few decades ago, gender serparation at sacred sites has become normative. Segregation is in part directed ‘from above’ by the State of Israel's various religious arms, which fund, organize, and oversee the practice. But it also arises ‘from below’ as a result of the activity of individuals and Haredi groups—both Ashkenazi and Mizrahi—leading to the imposition of increasingly stringent modesty demands on Jewish Israeli women. Gender separation is presented as a religious obligation, and state authorities accept this extreme interpretation as if it represented a monolithic, unchanging religious position.

This article deals with the intersection between bereavement, gender, and art in the context of the cult of the fallen in Israel, focusing on the life story and artwork of two women artists, Asnat Austerlitz (b. 1969) and Michal Shachnai Yaakobi (b. 1967) who experienced orphanhood in a military context. Adopting the two-track model of bereavement suggested by Simon Rubin in 1981, the article offers an analytical, interdisciplinary examination of their artworks as adult women artists who are aware of the fragility of life and its finite character but also understand the importance and significance of continuing emotional bonds after death. Both have developed in diverse medium gender-based artistic creations related to the cult of the fallen creating models of alternative and counter-hegemonic memory that are manifested through personal languages full of irony, fantasy, and pain.

In societies experiencing intractable conflicts, civil society may seek conflict-management solutions that are not necessarily political or institutional. Israel, with a century-old conflict between Jews and Palestinian Arabs, has various NGOs trying to bring both sides together in different ways. The present study focuses on four such NGOs: Merchavim, Hand in Hand, Abraham Initiatives, and Sikkuy-Aufoq. Drawing on their websites and publications as well as interviews with their Jewish and Palestinian directors, it offers a comparative analysis of their goals, strategies, collaborations, evaluation methods, difficulties, and aspirations. The findings point to similarities and differences between the organizations’ agendas, painting a picture of the key issues confronting efforts to build a shared society in Israel.

Financial, work-based contributions underly entitlement to pension benefits in Israel. This article examines the historical development of the pension system in Israel, including the pensions of long-term military veterans and Jewish immigrants, expanding the notion of ‘contribution’ beyond its initial meaning of work-based financial accumulation. Specifically, it shows that both before and after the erosion of the union-protected contributory rationale in the 1990s, an alternative path to pension entitlement has operated through non-financial, political-symbolic contributions. The analysis emphasizes the importance of sectoral organizations for the broader analysis of social policy, and for understanding the structure of “social citizenship” and its discriminatory implications in Israel.

We are gravely concerned about the perils of regime change in Israel. Academic freedom is premised on liberal democratic institutions and values. Absent checks and balances on the power of the executive, civil liberties, including the right to pursue and disseminate knowledge, are in jeopardy. The journal Israel Studies Review is wholly committed to enabling the free exchange of ideas without fear of punitive repercussions. We will continue to encourage diverse perspectives and voices of scholars from all backgrounds.

This article examines gender separation at Jewish holy sites in the State of Israel. From a rare and sporadic phenomenon just a few decades ago, gender serparation at sacred sites has become normative. Segregation is in part directed ‘from above’ by the State of Israel's various religious arms, which fund, organize, and oversee the practice. But it also arises ‘from below’ as a result of the activity of individuals and Haredi groups—both Ashkenazi and Mizrahi—leading to the imposition of increasingly stringent modesty demands on Jewish Israeli women. Gender separation is presented as a religious obligation, and state authorities accept this extreme interpretation as if it represented a monolithic, unchanging religious position.

This article deals with the intersection between bereavement, gender, and art in the context of the cult of the fallen in Israel, focusing on the life story and artwork of two women artists, Asnat Austerlitz (b. 1969) and Michal Shachnai Yaakobi (b. 1967) who experienced orphanhood in a military context. Adopting the two-track model of bereavement suggested by Simon Rubin in 1981, the article offers an analytical, interdisciplinary examination of their artworks as adult women artists who are aware of the fragility of life and its finite character but also understand the importance and significance of continuing emotional bonds after death. Both have developed in diverse medium gender-based artistic creations related to the cult of the fallen creating models of alternative and counter-hegemonic memory that are manifested through personal languages full of irony, fantasy, and pain.

In societies experiencing intractable conflicts, civil society may seek conflict-management solutions that are not necessarily political or institutional. Israel, with a century-old conflict between Jews and Palestinian Arabs, has various NGOs trying to bring both sides together in different ways. The present study focuses on four such NGOs: Merchavim, Hand in Hand, Abraham Initiatives, and Sikkuy-Aufoq. Drawing on their websites and publications as well as interviews with their Jewish and Palestinian directors, it offers a comparative analysis of their goals, strategies, collaborations, evaluation methods, difficulties, and aspirations. The findings point to similarities and differences between the organizations’ agendas, painting a picture of the key issues confronting efforts to build a shared society in Israel.

Financial, work-based contributions underly entitlement to pension benefits in Israel. This article examines the historical development of the pension system in Israel, including the pensions of long-term military veterans and Jewish immigrants, expanding the notion of ‘contribution’ beyond its initial meaning of work-based financial accumulation. Specifically, it shows that both before and after the erosion of the union-protected contributory rationale in the 1990s, an alternative path to pension entitlement has operated through non-financial, political-symbolic contributions. The analysis emphasizes the importance of sectoral organizations for the broader analysis of social policy, and for understanding the structure of “social citizenship” and its discriminatory implications in Israel.

The shape of Israel's settlement map in the first two decades of independence was the outcome of formative political, economic, and social mechanisms. This article focuses on settlement in the mountain region through an examination of the failed settlement efforts in Biranit. We address settlement programs for the mountain region as a reflection of the contest to control the state's bureaucratic character and shape the character of its institutions. From this perspective, efforts to settle the mountain region represent the political contest between state and Zionist bodies over their roles in the transition from Yishuv to state. Special attention is drawn to the use of the terms ‘frontier’ and ‘periphery’ to mobilize political and economic resources both in and outside Israel.

We are gravely concerned about the perils of regime change in Israel. Academic freedom is premised on liberal democratic institutions and values. Absent checks and balances on the power of the executive, civil liberties, including the right to pursue and disseminate knowledge, are in jeopardy. The journal Israel Studies Review is wholly committed to enabling the free exchange of ideas without fear of punitive repercussions. We will continue to encourage diverse perspectives and voices of scholars from all backgrounds.

This article examines gender separation at Jewish holy sites in the State of Israel. From a rare and sporadic phenomenon just a few decades ago, gender serparation at sacred sites has become normative. Segregation is in part directed ‘from above’ by the State of Israel's various religious arms, which fund, organize, and oversee the practice. But it also arises ‘from below’ as a result of the activity of individuals and Haredi groups—both Ashkenazi and Mizrahi—leading to the imposition of increasingly stringent modesty demands on Jewish Israeli women. Gender separation is presented as a religious obligation, and state authorities accept this extreme interpretation as if it represented a monolithic, unchanging religious position.

This article deals with the intersection between bereavement, gender, and art in the context of the cult of the fallen in Israel, focusing on the life story and artwork of two women artists, Asnat Austerlitz (b. 1969) and Michal Shachnai Yaakobi (b. 1967) who experienced orphanhood in a military context. Adopting the two-track model of bereavement suggested by Simon Rubin in 1981, the article offers an analytical, interdisciplinary examination of their artworks as adult women artists who are aware of the fragility of life and its finite character but also understand the importance and significance of continuing emotional bonds after death. Both have developed in diverse medium gender-based artistic creations related to the cult of the fallen creating models of alternative and counter-hegemonic memory that are manifested through personal languages full of irony, fantasy, and pain.

In societies experiencing intractable conflicts, civil society may seek conflict-management solutions that are not necessarily political or institutional. Israel, with a century-old conflict between Jews and Palestinian Arabs, has various NGOs trying to bring both sides together in different ways. The present study focuses on four such NGOs: Merchavim, Hand in Hand, Abraham Initiatives, and Sikkuy-Aufoq. Drawing on their websites and publications as well as interviews with their Jewish and Palestinian directors, it offers a comparative analysis of their goals, strategies, collaborations, evaluation methods, difficulties, and aspirations. The findings point to similarities and differences between the organizations’ agendas, painting a picture of the key issues confronting efforts to build a shared society in Israel.

Financial, work-based contributions underly entitlement to pension benefits in Israel. This article examines the historical development of the pension system in Israel, including the pensions of long-term military veterans and Jewish immigrants, expanding the notion of ‘contribution’ beyond its initial meaning of work-based financial accumulation. Specifically, it shows that both before and after the erosion of the union-protected contributory rationale in the 1990s, an alternative path to pension entitlement has operated through non-financial, political-symbolic contributions. The analysis emphasizes the importance of sectoral organizations for the broader analysis of social policy, and for understanding the structure of “social citizenship” and its discriminatory implications in Israel.

The shape of Israel's settlement map in the first two decades of independence was the outcome of formative political, economic, and social mechanisms. This article focuses on settlement in the mountain region through an examination of the failed settlement efforts in Biranit. We address settlement programs for the mountain region as a reflection of the contest to control the state's bureaucratic character and shape the character of its institutions. From this perspective, efforts to settle the mountain region represent the political contest between state and Zionist bodies over their roles in the transition from Yishuv to state. Special attention is drawn to the use of the terms ‘frontier’ and ‘periphery’ to mobilize political and economic resources both in and outside Israel.

Social solidarity is the conscious and voluntary affinity between human beings that instills in them a sense of guaranteed mutual assistance. Israeli society has long been characterized as having a high level of national solidarity, especially in times of crisis. The COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 put this notion to the test. The lack of agreement about fundamental norms of civil society in general and the nature of Israeli democracy in particular questioned the interdependence of its communities. This study examines the pandemic's effect on the sense of social solidarity in Israel. Using a quantitative approach and a representative sample of the adult population, the results show that the pandemic did affect the sense of solidarity. Moreover, taking into account long-standing religious and ideological cleavages in Israel, the pandemic exacerbated existing divisions among different groups.

We are gravely concerned about the perils of regime change in Israel. Academic freedom is premised on liberal democratic institutions and values. Absent checks and balances on the power of the executive, civil liberties, including the right to pursue and disseminate knowledge, are in jeopardy. The journal Israel Studies Review is wholly committed to enabling the free exchange of ideas without fear of punitive repercussions. We will continue to encourage diverse perspectives and voices of scholars from all backgrounds.

This article examines gender separation at Jewish holy sites in the State of Israel. From a rare and sporadic phenomenon just a few decades ago, gender serparation at sacred sites has become normative. Segregation is in part directed ‘from above’ by the State of Israel's various religious arms, which fund, organize, and oversee the practice. But it also arises ‘from below’ as a result of the activity of individuals and Haredi groups—both Ashkenazi and Mizrahi—leading to the imposition of increasingly stringent modesty demands on Jewish Israeli women. Gender separation is presented as a religious obligation, and state authorities accept this extreme interpretation as if it represented a monolithic, unchanging religious position.

This article deals with the intersection between bereavement, gender, and art in the context of the cult of the fallen in Israel, focusing on the life story and artwork of two women artists, Asnat Austerlitz (b. 1969) and Michal Shachnai Yaakobi (b. 1967) who experienced orphanhood in a military context. Adopting the two-track model of bereavement suggested by Simon Rubin in 1981, the article offers an analytical, interdisciplinary examination of their artworks as adult women artists who are aware of the fragility of life and its finite character but also understand the importance and significance of continuing emotional bonds after death. Both have developed in diverse medium gender-based artistic creations related to the cult of the fallen creating models of alternative and counter-hegemonic memory that are manifested through personal languages full of irony, fantasy, and pain.

In societies experiencing intractable conflicts, civil society may seek conflict-management solutions that are not necessarily political or institutional. Israel, with a century-old conflict between Jews and Palestinian Arabs, has various NGOs trying to bring both sides together in different ways. The present study focuses on four such NGOs: Merchavim, Hand in Hand, Abraham Initiatives, and Sikkuy-Aufoq. Drawing on their websites and publications as well as interviews with their Jewish and Palestinian directors, it offers a comparative analysis of their goals, strategies, collaborations, evaluation methods, difficulties, and aspirations. The findings point to similarities and differences between the organizations’ agendas, painting a picture of the key issues confronting efforts to build a shared society in Israel.

Financial, work-based contributions underly entitlement to pension benefits in Israel. This article examines the historical development of the pension system in Israel, including the pensions of long-term military veterans and Jewish immigrants, expanding the notion of ‘contribution’ beyond its initial meaning of work-based financial accumulation. Specifically, it shows that both before and after the erosion of the union-protected contributory rationale in the 1990s, an alternative path to pension entitlement has operated through non-financial, political-symbolic contributions. The analysis emphasizes the importance of sectoral organizations for the broader analysis of social policy, and for understanding the structure of “social citizenship” and its discriminatory implications in Israel.

The shape of Israel's settlement map in the first two decades of independence was the outcome of formative political, economic, and social mechanisms. This article focuses on settlement in the mountain region through an examination of the failed settlement efforts in Biranit. We address settlement programs for the mountain region as a reflection of the contest to control the state's bureaucratic character and shape the character of its institutions. From this perspective, efforts to settle the mountain region represent the political contest between state and Zionist bodies over their roles in the transition from Yishuv to state. Special attention is drawn to the use of the terms ‘frontier’ and ‘periphery’ to mobilize political and economic resources both in and outside Israel.

Social solidarity is the conscious and voluntary affinity between human beings that instills in them a sense of guaranteed mutual assistance. Israeli society has long been characterized as having a high level of national solidarity, especially in times of crisis. The COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 put this notion to the test. The lack of agreement about fundamental norms of civil society in general and the nature of Israeli democracy in particular questioned the interdependence of its communities. This study examines the pandemic's effect on the sense of social solidarity in Israel. Using a quantitative approach and a representative sample of the adult population, the results show that the pandemic did affect the sense of solidarity. Moreover, taking into account long-standing religious and ideological cleavages in Israel, the pandemic exacerbated existing divisions among different groups.

Yossi Shain, The Israeli Century: How the Zionist Revolution Changed History and Reinvented Judaism (New York: Wicked Son/Post Hill Press, 2021), 455 pp., $30.00 (hardback).

The current issue features a special section dedicated to the study of the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement. One would be hard-pressed to identify issues that currently stir more passionate contestation and stronger emotions in academic circles than the BDS campaign in the groves of academe. Views on this issue vary considerably and have been keenly articulated in multiple and diverse outlets. Some view BDS as a legitimate, nonviolent campaign in support of the Palestinians; some find it threatening to academic freedom; and some identify the singling out of Israel as an expression of antisemitism.

The current issue features a special section dedicated to the study of the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement. One would be hard-pressed to identify issues that currently stir more passionate contestation and stronger emotions in academic circles than the BDS campaign in the groves of academe. Views on this issue vary considerably and have been keenly articulated in multiple and diverse outlets. Some view BDS as a legitimate, nonviolent campaign in support of the Palestinians; some find it threatening to academic freedom; and some identify the singling out of Israel as an expression of antisemitism.

This study conceptually develops and analytically examines the role and function of diasporas as audiences in the securitization process by examining the American Jewish Diaspora in Israel's securitization of Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS). It argues that Israel's use of antisemitism as a metanarrative for the securitization of the BDS movement incorporates diasporic Jews as internal audiences in the securitization process. Audiences, however, are not monolithic. While homeland Jews, including both elites and the public, tend to support Israel's securitization process, American Jews are split; the elite support the process but public opinion is far less sympathetic to Israeli constructions of BDS as a threat. The disparity between audiences’ reactions weakens the support for Israel's counter-BDS policies and undermines its securitization process.

The current issue features a special section dedicated to the study of the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement. One would be hard-pressed to identify issues that currently stir more passionate contestation and stronger emotions in academic circles than the BDS campaign in the groves of academe. Views on this issue vary considerably and have been keenly articulated in multiple and diverse outlets. Some view BDS as a legitimate, nonviolent campaign in support of the Palestinians; some find it threatening to academic freedom; and some identify the singling out of Israel as an expression of antisemitism.

This study conceptually develops and analytically examines the role and function of diasporas as audiences in the securitization process by examining the American Jewish Diaspora in Israel's securitization of Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS). It argues that Israel's use of antisemitism as a metanarrative for the securitization of the BDS movement incorporates diasporic Jews as internal audiences in the securitization process. Audiences, however, are not monolithic. While homeland Jews, including both elites and the public, tend to support Israel's securitization process, American Jews are split; the elite support the process but public opinion is far less sympathetic to Israeli constructions of BDS as a threat. The disparity between audiences’ reactions weakens the support for Israel's counter-BDS policies and undermines its securitization process.

Israel and the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions movement (BDS) have been in conflict within one another for nearly two decades. In this article we compare trajectories of Palestinian-led BDS mobilization and Israeli-led counter-mobilization by deploying two theoretical perspectives, a rationalist, strategic learning model and a political competition model. We find that the difference in balance of power on each side between state and civil society led to strategic convergence by Israel in its counter-BDS efforts but not (yet at any rate) on the Palestinian side. We locate BDS as an example of a transnational boycott movement and identify patterns in its conflict with Israel observed in association with other such movements. Our analysis leads to an explanation of why both sides see the battles between them taking place in the United States and Europe as particularly crucial.

The current issue features a special section dedicated to the study of the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement. One would be hard-pressed to identify issues that currently stir more passionate contestation and stronger emotions in academic circles than the BDS campaign in the groves of academe. Views on this issue vary considerably and have been keenly articulated in multiple and diverse outlets. Some view BDS as a legitimate, nonviolent campaign in support of the Palestinians; some find it threatening to academic freedom; and some identify the singling out of Israel as an expression of antisemitism.

This study conceptually develops and analytically examines the role and function of diasporas as audiences in the securitization process by examining the American Jewish Diaspora in Israel's securitization of Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS). It argues that Israel's use of antisemitism as a metanarrative for the securitization of the BDS movement incorporates diasporic Jews as internal audiences in the securitization process. Audiences, however, are not monolithic. While homeland Jews, including both elites and the public, tend to support Israel's securitization process, American Jews are split; the elite support the process but public opinion is far less sympathetic to Israeli constructions of BDS as a threat. The disparity between audiences’ reactions weakens the support for Israel's counter-BDS policies and undermines its securitization process.

Israel and the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions movement (BDS) have been in conflict within one another for nearly two decades. In this article we compare trajectories of Palestinian-led BDS mobilization and Israeli-led counter-mobilization by deploying two theoretical perspectives, a rationalist, strategic learning model and a political competition model. We find that the difference in balance of power on each side between state and civil society led to strategic convergence by Israel in its counter-BDS efforts but not (yet at any rate) on the Palestinian side. We locate BDS as an example of a transnational boycott movement and identify patterns in its conflict with Israel observed in association with other such movements. Our analysis leads to an explanation of why both sides see the battles between them taking place in the United States and Europe as particularly crucial.

This article focuses on the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement's utilization of ‘fluidity,’ conceptualized as the ability to adapt campaign tactics to multiple arenas and political opportunity structures simultaneously. Framing BDS as both a social movement and a transnational advocacy network, it demonstrates the movement's fluidity in the context of three campaigns: the campaign at the 65th FIFA (Federation Internationale de Football Association) congress in 2015, which illustrates an ‘outsider’ strategy aimed at intergovernmental institutions; the 2014 Olive Declaration of municipalities endorsing BDS, which illustrates how local ‘insider’ campaigns can combine to create a translocal campaign; and the ‘Ferguson-Gaza moment’ in 2014, which illustrates how movements can engage at the level of civil society and embed themselves in the broader global justice movement.

The current issue features a special section dedicated to the study of the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement. One would be hard-pressed to identify issues that currently stir more passionate contestation and stronger emotions in academic circles than the BDS campaign in the groves of academe. Views on this issue vary considerably and have been keenly articulated in multiple and diverse outlets. Some view BDS as a legitimate, nonviolent campaign in support of the Palestinians; some find it threatening to academic freedom; and some identify the singling out of Israel as an expression of antisemitism.

This study conceptually develops and analytically examines the role and function of diasporas as audiences in the securitization process by examining the American Jewish Diaspora in Israel's securitization of Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS). It argues that Israel's use of antisemitism as a metanarrative for the securitization of the BDS movement incorporates diasporic Jews as internal audiences in the securitization process. Audiences, however, are not monolithic. While homeland Jews, including both elites and the public, tend to support Israel's securitization process, American Jews are split; the elite support the process but public opinion is far less sympathetic to Israeli constructions of BDS as a threat. The disparity between audiences’ reactions weakens the support for Israel's counter-BDS policies and undermines its securitization process.

Israel and the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions movement (BDS) have been in conflict within one another for nearly two decades. In this article we compare trajectories of Palestinian-led BDS mobilization and Israeli-led counter-mobilization by deploying two theoretical perspectives, a rationalist, strategic learning model and a political competition model. We find that the difference in balance of power on each side between state and civil society led to strategic convergence by Israel in its counter-BDS efforts but not (yet at any rate) on the Palestinian side. We locate BDS as an example of a transnational boycott movement and identify patterns in its conflict with Israel observed in association with other such movements. Our analysis leads to an explanation of why both sides see the battles between them taking place in the United States and Europe as particularly crucial.

This article focuses on the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement's utilization of ‘fluidity,’ conceptualized as the ability to adapt campaign tactics to multiple arenas and political opportunity structures simultaneously. Framing BDS as both a social movement and a transnational advocacy network, it demonstrates the movement's fluidity in the context of three campaigns: the campaign at the 65th FIFA (Federation Internationale de Football Association) congress in 2015, which illustrates an ‘outsider’ strategy aimed at intergovernmental institutions; the 2014 Olive Declaration of municipalities endorsing BDS, which illustrates how local ‘insider’ campaigns can combine to create a translocal campaign; and the ‘Ferguson-Gaza moment’ in 2014, which illustrates how movements can engage at the level of civil society and embed themselves in the broader global justice movement.

While the Palestinian struggle has received widespread support from non-Palestinian activists across North America and Europe, the Kurdish struggle in Turkey, which is similar to the Palestinian cause in important ways, has not received such extensive support from non-Kurdish activists. Existing explanations do not fully account for this difference. I argue that this variation in non-diasporic support is in part a product of the impact that differences between the Palestinian and Kurdish diasporas in the West have had on how each group has sought to mobilize grassroots support for their cause. The small size and internal divisions of the Palestinian diaspora incentivized Palestinian activists to focus on recruiting non-Palestinians, creating the conditions for their mobilization. The larger size and greater degree of organization of the Kurdish diaspora incentivized Kurdish activists to focus primarily on mobilizing their ethnic kin and less on recruiting non-Kurds, resulting in relatively little non-Kurdish support.

The current issue features a special section dedicated to the study of the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement. One would be hard-pressed to identify issues that currently stir more passionate contestation and stronger emotions in academic circles than the BDS campaign in the groves of academe. Views on this issue vary considerably and have been keenly articulated in multiple and diverse outlets. Some view BDS as a legitimate, nonviolent campaign in support of the Palestinians; some find it threatening to academic freedom; and some identify the singling out of Israel as an expression of antisemitism.

This study conceptually develops and analytically examines the role and function of diasporas as audiences in the securitization process by examining the American Jewish Diaspora in Israel's securitization of Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS). It argues that Israel's use of antisemitism as a metanarrative for the securitization of the BDS movement incorporates diasporic Jews as internal audiences in the securitization process. Audiences, however, are not monolithic. While homeland Jews, including both elites and the public, tend to support Israel's securitization process, American Jews are split; the elite support the process but public opinion is far less sympathetic to Israeli constructions of BDS as a threat. The disparity between audiences’ reactions weakens the support for Israel's counter-BDS policies and undermines its securitization process.

Israel and the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions movement (BDS) have been in conflict within one another for nearly two decades. In this article we compare trajectories of Palestinian-led BDS mobilization and Israeli-led counter-mobilization by deploying two theoretical perspectives, a rationalist, strategic learning model and a political competition model. We find that the difference in balance of power on each side between state and civil society led to strategic convergence by Israel in its counter-BDS efforts but not (yet at any rate) on the Palestinian side. We locate BDS as an example of a transnational boycott movement and identify patterns in its conflict with Israel observed in association with other such movements. Our analysis leads to an explanation of why both sides see the battles between them taking place in the United States and Europe as particularly crucial.

This article focuses on the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement's utilization of ‘fluidity,’ conceptualized as the ability to adapt campaign tactics to multiple arenas and political opportunity structures simultaneously. Framing BDS as both a social movement and a transnational advocacy network, it demonstrates the movement's fluidity in the context of three campaigns: the campaign at the 65th FIFA (Federation Internationale de Football Association) congress in 2015, which illustrates an ‘outsider’ strategy aimed at intergovernmental institutions; the 2014 Olive Declaration of municipalities endorsing BDS, which illustrates how local ‘insider’ campaigns can combine to create a translocal campaign; and the ‘Ferguson-Gaza moment’ in 2014, which illustrates how movements can engage at the level of civil society and embed themselves in the broader global justice movement.

While the Palestinian struggle has received widespread support from non-Palestinian activists across North America and Europe, the Kurdish struggle in Turkey, which is similar to the Palestinian cause in important ways, has not received such extensive support from non-Kurdish activists. Existing explanations do not fully account for this difference. I argue that this variation in non-diasporic support is in part a product of the impact that differences between the Palestinian and Kurdish diasporas in the West have had on how each group has sought to mobilize grassroots support for their cause. The small size and internal divisions of the Palestinian diaspora incentivized Palestinian activists to focus on recruiting non-Palestinians, creating the conditions for their mobilization. The larger size and greater degree of organization of the Kurdish diaspora incentivized Kurdish activists to focus primarily on mobilizing their ethnic kin and less on recruiting non-Kurds, resulting in relatively little non-Kurdish support.

In this article we focus on the gendered national construction on Israeli stamps commemorating renowned women over the course of Israel's history. We analyze gender construction on both the selection of the stamps and in their design. Based on analyses of the social role of women in Israeli historiography, archival documents, interviews with fourteen key figures involved in conceiving and designing the stamps, and the way stamp design constructs gendered memory, we outline major aspects of commemorating women in stamps: gender blindness, women's accomplishments, identity politics, and the emergence of gender as a theme. These are discussed in the context of gendering in official commemoration, the development of feminist historiography and discourse in Israel, and the conjunction of these issues and stamp design.

The current issue features a special section dedicated to the study of the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement. One would be hard-pressed to identify issues that currently stir more passionate contestation and stronger emotions in academic circles than the BDS campaign in the groves of academe. Views on this issue vary considerably and have been keenly articulated in multiple and diverse outlets. Some view BDS as a legitimate, nonviolent campaign in support of the Palestinians; some find it threatening to academic freedom; and some identify the singling out of Israel as an expression of antisemitism.

This study conceptually develops and analytically examines the role and function of diasporas as audiences in the securitization process by examining the American Jewish Diaspora in Israel's securitization of Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS). It argues that Israel's use of antisemitism as a metanarrative for the securitization of the BDS movement incorporates diasporic Jews as internal audiences in the securitization process. Audiences, however, are not monolithic. While homeland Jews, including both elites and the public, tend to support Israel's securitization process, American Jews are split; the elite support the process but public opinion is far less sympathetic to Israeli constructions of BDS as a threat. The disparity between audiences’ reactions weakens the support for Israel's counter-BDS policies and undermines its securitization process.

Israel and the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions movement (BDS) have been in conflict within one another for nearly two decades. In this article we compare trajectories of Palestinian-led BDS mobilization and Israeli-led counter-mobilization by deploying two theoretical perspectives, a rationalist, strategic learning model and a political competition model. We find that the difference in balance of power on each side between state and civil society led to strategic convergence by Israel in its counter-BDS efforts but not (yet at any rate) on the Palestinian side. We locate BDS as an example of a transnational boycott movement and identify patterns in its conflict with Israel observed in association with other such movements. Our analysis leads to an explanation of why both sides see the battles between them taking place in the United States and Europe as particularly crucial.

This article focuses on the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement's utilization of ‘fluidity,’ conceptualized as the ability to adapt campaign tactics to multiple arenas and political opportunity structures simultaneously. Framing BDS as both a social movement and a transnational advocacy network, it demonstrates the movement's fluidity in the context of three campaigns: the campaign at the 65th FIFA (Federation Internationale de Football Association) congress in 2015, which illustrates an ‘outsider’ strategy aimed at intergovernmental institutions; the 2014 Olive Declaration of municipalities endorsing BDS, which illustrates how local ‘insider’ campaigns can combine to create a translocal campaign; and the ‘Ferguson-Gaza moment’ in 2014, which illustrates how movements can engage at the level of civil society and embed themselves in the broader global justice movement.

While the Palestinian struggle has received widespread support from non-Palestinian activists across North America and Europe, the Kurdish struggle in Turkey, which is similar to the Palestinian cause in important ways, has not received such extensive support from non-Kurdish activists. Existing explanations do not fully account for this difference. I argue that this variation in non-diasporic support is in part a product of the impact that differences between the Palestinian and Kurdish diasporas in the West have had on how each group has sought to mobilize grassroots support for their cause. The small size and internal divisions of the Palestinian diaspora incentivized Palestinian activists to focus on recruiting non-Palestinians, creating the conditions for their mobilization. The larger size and greater degree of organization of the Kurdish diaspora incentivized Kurdish activists to focus primarily on mobilizing their ethnic kin and less on recruiting non-Kurds, resulting in relatively little non-Kurdish support.

In this article we focus on the gendered national construction on Israeli stamps commemorating renowned women over the course of Israel's history. We analyze gender construction on both the selection of the stamps and in their design. Based on analyses of the social role of women in Israeli historiography, archival documents, interviews with fourteen key figures involved in conceiving and designing the stamps, and the way stamp design constructs gendered memory, we outline major aspects of commemorating women in stamps: gender blindness, women's accomplishments, identity politics, and the emergence of gender as a theme. These are discussed in the context of gendering in official commemoration, the development of feminist historiography and discourse in Israel, and the conjunction of these issues and stamp design.

This article focuses on the changing cultural, social, and ideological characteristics of the central Sephardi Rabban Yochanan Ben-Zakai synagogue in Jerusalem, as a lens reflecting social and ideological processes of the local Sephardi community during the first half of the twentieth century. These included the community's attempts to consolidate its cultural uniqueness and civic identity vis-à-vis the surrounding and evolving spirits—within the Jewish community and outside it; its struggles with the local Ashkenazi community over historical and legal hegemony; its changing and evolving attitude toward the Ottoman and British Empires; and its gradual yet distinct adoption of the Jewish national framework. The article is based on an in-depth study of the archives of the Sephardi Commission (Va'ad Ha'eda HaSepharadit) in Jerusalem, as well as literary and scholarly sources and the local Jewish press of the time.

The current issue features a special section dedicated to the study of the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement. One would be hard-pressed to identify issues that currently stir more passionate contestation and stronger emotions in academic circles than the BDS campaign in the groves of academe. Views on this issue vary considerably and have been keenly articulated in multiple and diverse outlets. Some view BDS as a legitimate, nonviolent campaign in support of the Palestinians; some find it threatening to academic freedom; and some identify the singling out of Israel as an expression of antisemitism.

This study conceptually develops and analytically examines the role and function of diasporas as audiences in the securitization process by examining the American Jewish Diaspora in Israel's securitization of Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS). It argues that Israel's use of antisemitism as a metanarrative for the securitization of the BDS movement incorporates diasporic Jews as internal audiences in the securitization process. Audiences, however, are not monolithic. While homeland Jews, including both elites and the public, tend to support Israel's securitization process, American Jews are split; the elite support the process but public opinion is far less sympathetic to Israeli constructions of BDS as a threat. The disparity between audiences’ reactions weakens the support for Israel's counter-BDS policies and undermines its securitization process.

Israel and the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions movement (BDS) have been in conflict within one another for nearly two decades. In this article we compare trajectories of Palestinian-led BDS mobilization and Israeli-led counter-mobilization by deploying two theoretical perspectives, a rationalist, strategic learning model and a political competition model. We find that the difference in balance of power on each side between state and civil society led to strategic convergence by Israel in its counter-BDS efforts but not (yet at any rate) on the Palestinian side. We locate BDS as an example of a transnational boycott movement and identify patterns in its conflict with Israel observed in association with other such movements. Our analysis leads to an explanation of why both sides see the battles between them taking place in the United States and Europe as particularly crucial.

This article focuses on the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement's utilization of ‘fluidity,’ conceptualized as the ability to adapt campaign tactics to multiple arenas and political opportunity structures simultaneously. Framing BDS as both a social movement and a transnational advocacy network, it demonstrates the movement's fluidity in the context of three campaigns: the campaign at the 65th FIFA (Federation Internationale de Football Association) congress in 2015, which illustrates an ‘outsider’ strategy aimed at intergovernmental institutions; the 2014 Olive Declaration of municipalities endorsing BDS, which illustrates how local ‘insider’ campaigns can combine to create a translocal campaign; and the ‘Ferguson-Gaza moment’ in 2014, which illustrates how movements can engage at the level of civil society and embed themselves in the broader global justice movement.

While the Palestinian struggle has received widespread support from non-Palestinian activists across North America and Europe, the Kurdish struggle in Turkey, which is similar to the Palestinian cause in important ways, has not received such extensive support from non-Kurdish activists. Existing explanations do not fully account for this difference. I argue that this variation in non-diasporic support is in part a product of the impact that differences between the Palestinian and Kurdish diasporas in the West have had on how each group has sought to mobilize grassroots support for their cause. The small size and internal divisions of the Palestinian diaspora incentivized Palestinian activists to focus on recruiting non-Palestinians, creating the conditions for their mobilization. The larger size and greater degree of organization of the Kurdish diaspora incentivized Kurdish activists to focus primarily on mobilizing their ethnic kin and less on recruiting non-Kurds, resulting in relatively little non-Kurdish support.

In this article we focus on the gendered national construction on Israeli stamps commemorating renowned women over the course of Israel's history. We analyze gender construction on both the selection of the stamps and in their design. Based on analyses of the social role of women in Israeli historiography, archival documents, interviews with fourteen key figures involved in conceiving and designing the stamps, and the way stamp design constructs gendered memory, we outline major aspects of commemorating women in stamps: gender blindness, women's accomplishments, identity politics, and the emergence of gender as a theme. These are discussed in the context of gendering in official commemoration, the development of feminist historiography and discourse in Israel, and the conjunction of these issues and stamp design.

This article focuses on the changing cultural, social, and ideological characteristics of the central Sephardi Rabban Yochanan Ben-Zakai synagogue in Jerusalem, as a lens reflecting social and ideological processes of the local Sephardi community during the first half of the twentieth century. These included the community's attempts to consolidate its cultural uniqueness and civic identity vis-à-vis the surrounding and evolving spirits—within the Jewish community and outside it; its struggles with the local Ashkenazi community over historical and legal hegemony; its changing and evolving attitude toward the Ottoman and British Empires; and its gradual yet distinct adoption of the Jewish national framework. The article is based on an in-depth study of the archives of the Sephardi Commission (Va'ad Ha'eda HaSepharadit) in Jerusalem, as well as literary and scholarly sources and the local Jewish press of the time.

Michael Karayanni, A Multicultural Entrapment: Religion and State among the Palestinian-Arabs in Israel (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020), 200 pp. $110.00 (hardcover).

Daniel Bar-Tal and Amiram Raviv, Comfort Zone of a Society in Conflict [In Hebrew.] (Tel Aviv: Steimatzky, 2021), 424 pp. NIS 98 (paperback).

Sivan Hirsch-Hoefler and Cas Mudde, The Israeli Settler Movement: Assessing and Explaining Social Movement Success (Cambridge: Cambridge University press, 2021), 280 pp. $99.99 (hardcover).

Rebecca L. Stein, Screen Shots: State Violence on Camera in Israel and Palestine (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2021), 248 pp. $26.00 (paperback).

The current issue features a special section dedicated to the study of the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement. One would be hard-pressed to identify issues that currently stir more passionate contestation and stronger emotions in academic circles than the BDS campaign in the groves of academe. Views on this issue vary considerably and have been keenly articulated in multiple and diverse outlets. Some view BDS as a legitimate, nonviolent campaign in support of the Palestinians; some find it threatening to academic freedom; and some identify the singling out of Israel as an expression of antisemitism.

This study conceptually develops and analytically examines the role and function of diasporas as audiences in the securitization process by examining the American Jewish Diaspora in Israel's securitization of Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS). It argues that Israel's use of antisemitism as a metanarrative for the securitization of the BDS movement incorporates diasporic Jews as internal audiences in the securitization process. Audiences, however, are not monolithic. While homeland Jews, including both elites and the public, tend to support Israel's securitization process, American Jews are split; the elite support the process but public opinion is far less sympathetic to Israeli constructions of BDS as a threat. The disparity between audiences’ reactions weakens the support for Israel's counter-BDS policies and undermines its securitization process.

Israel and the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions movement (BDS) have been in conflict within one another for nearly two decades. In this article we compare trajectories of Palestinian-led BDS mobilization and Israeli-led counter-mobilization by deploying two theoretical perspectives, a rationalist, strategic learning model and a political competition model. We find that the difference in balance of power on each side between state and civil society led to strategic convergence by Israel in its counter-BDS efforts but not (yet at any rate) on the Palestinian side. We locate BDS as an example of a transnational boycott movement and identify patterns in its conflict with Israel observed in association with other such movements. Our analysis leads to an explanation of why both sides see the battles between them taking place in the United States and Europe as particularly crucial.

This article focuses on the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement's utilization of ‘fluidity,’ conceptualized as the ability to adapt campaign tactics to multiple arenas and political opportunity structures simultaneously. Framing BDS as both a social movement and a transnational advocacy network, it demonstrates the movement's fluidity in the context of three campaigns: the campaign at the 65th FIFA (Federation Internationale de Football Association) congress in 2015, which illustrates an ‘outsider’ strategy aimed at intergovernmental institutions; the 2014 Olive Declaration of municipalities endorsing BDS, which illustrates how local ‘insider’ campaigns can combine to create a translocal campaign; and the ‘Ferguson-Gaza moment’ in 2014, which illustrates how movements can engage at the level of civil society and embed themselves in the broader global justice movement.

While the Palestinian struggle has received widespread support from non-Palestinian activists across North America and Europe, the Kurdish struggle in Turkey, which is similar to the Palestinian cause in important ways, has not received such extensive support from non-Kurdish activists. Existing explanations do not fully account for this difference. I argue that this variation in non-diasporic support is in part a product of the impact that differences between the Palestinian and Kurdish diasporas in the West have had on how each group has sought to mobilize grassroots support for their cause. The small size and internal divisions of the Palestinian diaspora incentivized Palestinian activists to focus on recruiting non-Palestinians, creating the conditions for their mobilization. The larger size and greater degree of organization of the Kurdish diaspora incentivized Kurdish activists to focus primarily on mobilizing their ethnic kin and less on recruiting non-Kurds, resulting in relatively little non-Kurdish support.

In this article we focus on the gendered national construction on Israeli stamps commemorating renowned women over the course of Israel's history. We analyze gender construction on both the selection of the stamps and in their design. Based on analyses of the social role of women in Israeli historiography, archival documents, interviews with fourteen key figures involved in conceiving and designing the stamps, and the way stamp design constructs gendered memory, we outline major aspects of commemorating women in stamps: gender blindness, women's accomplishments, identity politics, and the emergence of gender as a theme. These are discussed in the context of gendering in official commemoration, the development of feminist historiography and discourse in Israel, and the conjunction of these issues and stamp design.

This article focuses on the changing cultural, social, and ideological characteristics of the central Sephardi Rabban Yochanan Ben-Zakai synagogue in Jerusalem, as a lens reflecting social and ideological processes of the local Sephardi community during the first half of the twentieth century. These included the community's attempts to consolidate its cultural uniqueness and civic identity vis-à-vis the surrounding and evolving spirits—within the Jewish community and outside it; its struggles with the local Ashkenazi community over historical and legal hegemony; its changing and evolving attitude toward the Ottoman and British Empires; and its gradual yet distinct adoption of the Jewish national framework. The article is based on an in-depth study of the archives of the Sephardi Commission (Va'ad Ha'eda HaSepharadit) in Jerusalem, as well as literary and scholarly sources and the local Jewish press of the time.

Michael Karayanni, A Multicultural Entrapment: Religion and State among the Palestinian-Arabs in Israel (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020), 200 pp. $110.00 (hardcover).

Daniel Bar-Tal and Amiram Raviv, Comfort Zone of a Society in Conflict [In Hebrew.] (Tel Aviv: Steimatzky, 2021), 424 pp. NIS 98 (paperback).

Sivan Hirsch-Hoefler and Cas Mudde, The Israeli Settler Movement: Assessing and Explaining Social Movement Success (Cambridge: Cambridge University press, 2021), 280 pp. $99.99 (hardcover).

Rebecca L. Stein, Screen Shots: State Violence on Camera in Israel and Palestine (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2021), 248 pp. $26.00 (paperback).

Avi Nesher, director, Image of Victory (Bleiberg Entertainment and United King Films, 2021), 128 minutes.

We are pleased to introduce the second issue of 2022. Several of the articles in this issue are marked by their policy relevance. The article by Arie Krampf, Uri Ansenberg, and Barak Zur examines the role played by the Labor Party government between 1992 and 1996 to guide Israel onto a neoliberal economic path. The authors coin the term “embedded neoliberalism” to explain the interaction between pro-market and anti-market influences, yielding a peculiar type of neoliberal order in Israel. Examining social work education of Palestinian female students in Israel, the article by Haneen Elias and Ronit Reuven Even-Zahav identifies the significance of context-informed education that integrates the intersectional position of Palestinian students. Finally, Erez Cohen's article identifies incompatibilities between existing public policy pertaining to post-retirement employment and the real-life needs of elderly people, suggesting a need for reform.

We are pleased to introduce the second issue of 2022. Several of the articles in this issue are marked by their policy relevance. The article by Arie Krampf, Uri Ansenberg, and Barak Zur examines the role played by the Labor Party government between 1992 and 1996 to guide Israel onto a neoliberal economic path. The authors coin the term “embedded neoliberalism” to explain the interaction between pro-market and anti-market influences, yielding a peculiar type of neoliberal order in Israel. Examining social work education of Palestinian female students in Israel, the article by Haneen Elias and Ronit Reuven Even-Zahav identifies the significance of context-informed education that integrates the intersectional position of Palestinian students. Finally, Erez Cohen's article identifies incompatibilities between existing public policy pertaining to post-retirement employment and the real-life needs of elderly people, suggesting a need for reform.

This article makes an empirical and historical contribution regarding the role of the Labor Party government between 1992 and 1996—Yitzhak Rabin's government—in shaping the Israeli path to neoliberalism. The article argues that Rabin's government developed a new neoliberal political-economic logic that differed from the political-economic logic of the Emergency Stabilization Plan as well as from the political-economic logic of Sharon's government in the post-Intifada era. It argues that Rabin's government's political-economic logic conforms to the notion of ‘embedded neoliberalism’ (Bohle and Greskovits 2012). The article also argues that political parties had greater impact on the Israeli neoliberal path than is conventionally claimed. The historical analysis is based on qualitative and quantitative research in six policy areas: supply-side, demand-side, welfare and redistribution, development, depoliticization and democratization.

We are pleased to introduce the second issue of 2022. Several of the articles in this issue are marked by their policy relevance. The article by Arie Krampf, Uri Ansenberg, and Barak Zur examines the role played by the Labor Party government between 1992 and 1996 to guide Israel onto a neoliberal economic path. The authors coin the term “embedded neoliberalism” to explain the interaction between pro-market and anti-market influences, yielding a peculiar type of neoliberal order in Israel. Examining social work education of Palestinian female students in Israel, the article by Haneen Elias and Ronit Reuven Even-Zahav identifies the significance of context-informed education that integrates the intersectional position of Palestinian students. Finally, Erez Cohen's article identifies incompatibilities between existing public policy pertaining to post-retirement employment and the real-life needs of elderly people, suggesting a need for reform.

This article makes an empirical and historical contribution regarding the role of the Labor Party government between 1992 and 1996—Yitzhak Rabin's government—in shaping the Israeli path to neoliberalism. The article argues that Rabin's government developed a new neoliberal political-economic logic that differed from the political-economic logic of the Emergency Stabilization Plan as well as from the political-economic logic of Sharon's government in the post-Intifada era. It argues that Rabin's government's political-economic logic conforms to the notion of ‘embedded neoliberalism’ (Bohle and Greskovits 2012). The article also argues that political parties had greater impact on the Israeli neoliberal path than is conventionally claimed. The historical analysis is based on qualitative and quantitative research in six policy areas: supply-side, demand-side, welfare and redistribution, development, depoliticization and democratization.

This article presents a qualitative study of nineteen Palestinian female students in Israel. In doing so, it promotes a context-informed approach in social work education, which takes into account power relations, issues of gender, and socio-political and socio-cultural backgrounds. The students participated in a context-informed course held at Ruppin Academic Center in Israel. The findings focus on two contexts in the students’ lives: (1) their socio-cultural background, which includes their family and cultural space; and (2) the socio-political context, which includes majority-minority relations. A discussion on the intersection of these two spheres follows. Whereas students felt the socio-political realm was blind to their identity as Palestinian female students, they felt that the course was like their ‘home’ in terms of language and identity.

We are pleased to introduce the second issue of 2022. Several of the articles in this issue are marked by their policy relevance. The article by Arie Krampf, Uri Ansenberg, and Barak Zur examines the role played by the Labor Party government between 1992 and 1996 to guide Israel onto a neoliberal economic path. The authors coin the term “embedded neoliberalism” to explain the interaction between pro-market and anti-market influences, yielding a peculiar type of neoliberal order in Israel. Examining social work education of Palestinian female students in Israel, the article by Haneen Elias and Ronit Reuven Even-Zahav identifies the significance of context-informed education that integrates the intersectional position of Palestinian students. Finally, Erez Cohen's article identifies incompatibilities between existing public policy pertaining to post-retirement employment and the real-life needs of elderly people, suggesting a need for reform.

This article makes an empirical and historical contribution regarding the role of the Labor Party government between 1992 and 1996—Yitzhak Rabin's government—in shaping the Israeli path to neoliberalism. The article argues that Rabin's government developed a new neoliberal political-economic logic that differed from the political-economic logic of the Emergency Stabilization Plan as well as from the political-economic logic of Sharon's government in the post-Intifada era. It argues that Rabin's government's political-economic logic conforms to the notion of ‘embedded neoliberalism’ (Bohle and Greskovits 2012). The article also argues that political parties had greater impact on the Israeli neoliberal path than is conventionally claimed. The historical analysis is based on qualitative and quantitative research in six policy areas: supply-side, demand-side, welfare and redistribution, development, depoliticization and democratization.

This article presents a qualitative study of nineteen Palestinian female students in Israel. In doing so, it promotes a context-informed approach in social work education, which takes into account power relations, issues of gender, and socio-political and socio-cultural backgrounds. The students participated in a context-informed course held at Ruppin Academic Center in Israel. The findings focus on two contexts in the students’ lives: (1) their socio-cultural background, which includes their family and cultural space; and (2) the socio-political context, which includes majority-minority relations. A discussion on the intersection of these two spheres follows. Whereas students felt the socio-political realm was blind to their identity as Palestinian female students, they felt that the course was like their ‘home’ in terms of language and identity.

The accelerated and consistent rise in life expectancy and the growing needs of elderly people who are required to support themselves for more years are leading to a conspicuous increase in the number of older workers who choose to remain in the labor market after reaching the official retirement age. The study indicates the distinct incompatibility between this policy and the needs of post-retirement age employees and proposes a list of changes aimed at adapting the policy to the current reality. The study stresses the significance of efficient public policy operating to regulate post-retirement employment for Israeli society in general and for older employees in particular. The research conclusions can contribute to shaping global public policy concerning the employment of older people.

We are pleased to introduce the second issue of 2022. Several of the articles in this issue are marked by their policy relevance. The article by Arie Krampf, Uri Ansenberg, and Barak Zur examines the role played by the Labor Party government between 1992 and 1996 to guide Israel onto a neoliberal economic path. The authors coin the term “embedded neoliberalism” to explain the interaction between pro-market and anti-market influences, yielding a peculiar type of neoliberal order in Israel. Examining social work education of Palestinian female students in Israel, the article by Haneen Elias and Ronit Reuven Even-Zahav identifies the significance of context-informed education that integrates the intersectional position of Palestinian students. Finally, Erez Cohen's article identifies incompatibilities between existing public policy pertaining to post-retirement employment and the real-life needs of elderly people, suggesting a need for reform.

This article makes an empirical and historical contribution regarding the role of the Labor Party government between 1992 and 1996—Yitzhak Rabin's government—in shaping the Israeli path to neoliberalism. The article argues that Rabin's government developed a new neoliberal political-economic logic that differed from the political-economic logic of the Emergency Stabilization Plan as well as from the political-economic logic of Sharon's government in the post-Intifada era. It argues that Rabin's government's political-economic logic conforms to the notion of ‘embedded neoliberalism’ (Bohle and Greskovits 2012). The article also argues that political parties had greater impact on the Israeli neoliberal path than is conventionally claimed. The historical analysis is based on qualitative and quantitative research in six policy areas: supply-side, demand-side, welfare and redistribution, development, depoliticization and democratization.

This article presents a qualitative study of nineteen Palestinian female students in Israel. In doing so, it promotes a context-informed approach in social work education, which takes into account power relations, issues of gender, and socio-political and socio-cultural backgrounds. The students participated in a context-informed course held at Ruppin Academic Center in Israel. The findings focus on two contexts in the students’ lives: (1) their socio-cultural background, which includes their family and cultural space; and (2) the socio-political context, which includes majority-minority relations. A discussion on the intersection of these two spheres follows. Whereas students felt the socio-political realm was blind to their identity as Palestinian female students, they felt that the course was like their ‘home’ in terms of language and identity.

The accelerated and consistent rise in life expectancy and the growing needs of elderly people who are required to support themselves for more years are leading to a conspicuous increase in the number of older workers who choose to remain in the labor market after reaching the official retirement age. The study indicates the distinct incompatibility between this policy and the needs of post-retirement age employees and proposes a list of changes aimed at adapting the policy to the current reality. The study stresses the significance of efficient public policy operating to regulate post-retirement employment for Israeli society in general and for older employees in particular. The research conclusions can contribute to shaping global public policy concerning the employment of older people.

Following earlier studies on progressive education, nation-building, and women teachers’ history, this article examines the lives of four women during the period of the Yishuv who cultivated professional identities while also raising families. All four strove to educate students according to their own pedagogical visions despite a lack of appropriate educational means. The four women teachers faced the challenge and created educational tools based on artistic tendencies, such as dancing, composing poems, and writing prose and poetry. By doing so, they formed a basis for a new Hebrew heritage. Their artistic activities served as a source of innovative pedagogy and received public approval for their contributions to the nation-building enterprise. Professional status empowered them to create a model for career-minded women whose society presented them with a choice between motherhood and professional fulfillment.

We are pleased to introduce the second issue of 2022. Several of the articles in this issue are marked by their policy relevance. The article by Arie Krampf, Uri Ansenberg, and Barak Zur examines the role played by the Labor Party government between 1992 and 1996 to guide Israel onto a neoliberal economic path. The authors coin the term “embedded neoliberalism” to explain the interaction between pro-market and anti-market influences, yielding a peculiar type of neoliberal order in Israel. Examining social work education of Palestinian female students in Israel, the article by Haneen Elias and Ronit Reuven Even-Zahav identifies the significance of context-informed education that integrates the intersectional position of Palestinian students. Finally, Erez Cohen's article identifies incompatibilities between existing public policy pertaining to post-retirement employment and the real-life needs of elderly people, suggesting a need for reform.

This article makes an empirical and historical contribution regarding the role of the Labor Party government between 1992 and 1996—Yitzhak Rabin's government—in shaping the Israeli path to neoliberalism. The article argues that Rabin's government developed a new neoliberal political-economic logic that differed from the political-economic logic of the Emergency Stabilization Plan as well as from the political-economic logic of Sharon's government in the post-Intifada era. It argues that Rabin's government's political-economic logic conforms to the notion of ‘embedded neoliberalism’ (Bohle and Greskovits 2012). The article also argues that political parties had greater impact on the Israeli neoliberal path than is conventionally claimed. The historical analysis is based on qualitative and quantitative research in six policy areas: supply-side, demand-side, welfare and redistribution, development, depoliticization and democratization.

This article presents a qualitative study of nineteen Palestinian female students in Israel. In doing so, it promotes a context-informed approach in social work education, which takes into account power relations, issues of gender, and socio-political and socio-cultural backgrounds. The students participated in a context-informed course held at Ruppin Academic Center in Israel. The findings focus on two contexts in the students’ lives: (1) their socio-cultural background, which includes their family and cultural space; and (2) the socio-political context, which includes majority-minority relations. A discussion on the intersection of these two spheres follows. Whereas students felt the socio-political realm was blind to their identity as Palestinian female students, they felt that the course was like their ‘home’ in terms of language and identity.

The accelerated and consistent rise in life expectancy and the growing needs of elderly people who are required to support themselves for more years are leading to a conspicuous increase in the number of older workers who choose to remain in the labor market after reaching the official retirement age. The study indicates the distinct incompatibility between this policy and the needs of post-retirement age employees and proposes a list of changes aimed at adapting the policy to the current reality. The study stresses the significance of efficient public policy operating to regulate post-retirement employment for Israeli society in general and for older employees in particular. The research conclusions can contribute to shaping global public policy concerning the employment of older people.

Following earlier studies on progressive education, nation-building, and women teachers’ history, this article examines the lives of four women during the period of the Yishuv who cultivated professional identities while also raising families. All four strove to educate students according to their own pedagogical visions despite a lack of appropriate educational means. The four women teachers faced the challenge and created educational tools based on artistic tendencies, such as dancing, composing poems, and writing prose and poetry. By doing so, they formed a basis for a new Hebrew heritage. Their artistic activities served as a source of innovative pedagogy and received public approval for their contributions to the nation-building enterprise. Professional status empowered them to create a model for career-minded women whose society presented them with a choice between motherhood and professional fulfillment.

This study investigates empathy toward Israeli Arabs among Jewish students in Israel. Our model shows that elevated levels of attachment-related anxiety are associated with greater personal distress elicited by Arab suffering. Perceptions of the national narrative as traumatic had a negative effect on empathy toward Arabs, while attachment-related anxiety and perceptions of the national narrative as traumatic were positively linked and empathy and personal distress toward Arabs were positively linked. Political views mediated the link between perceptions of the national narrative as traumatic and empathy toward Arabs. We propose that diminishing the traumatic intensity of the Jewish national narrative may serve to increase intergroup empathy.

We are pleased to introduce the second issue of 2022. Several of the articles in this issue are marked by their policy relevance. The article by Arie Krampf, Uri Ansenberg, and Barak Zur examines the role played by the Labor Party government between 1992 and 1996 to guide Israel onto a neoliberal economic path. The authors coin the term “embedded neoliberalism” to explain the interaction between pro-market and anti-market influences, yielding a peculiar type of neoliberal order in Israel. Examining social work education of Palestinian female students in Israel, the article by Haneen Elias and Ronit Reuven Even-Zahav identifies the significance of context-informed education that integrates the intersectional position of Palestinian students. Finally, Erez Cohen's article identifies incompatibilities between existing public policy pertaining to post-retirement employment and the real-life needs of elderly people, suggesting a need for reform.

This article makes an empirical and historical contribution regarding the role of the Labor Party government between 1992 and 1996—Yitzhak Rabin's government—in shaping the Israeli path to neoliberalism. The article argues that Rabin's government developed a new neoliberal political-economic logic that differed from the political-economic logic of the Emergency Stabilization Plan as well as from the political-economic logic of Sharon's government in the post-Intifada era. It argues that Rabin's government's political-economic logic conforms to the notion of ‘embedded neoliberalism’ (Bohle and Greskovits 2012). The article also argues that political parties had greater impact on the Israeli neoliberal path than is conventionally claimed. The historical analysis is based on qualitative and quantitative research in six policy areas: supply-side, demand-side, welfare and redistribution, development, depoliticization and democratization.

This article presents a qualitative study of nineteen Palestinian female students in Israel. In doing so, it promotes a context-informed approach in social work education, which takes into account power relations, issues of gender, and socio-political and socio-cultural backgrounds. The students participated in a context-informed course held at Ruppin Academic Center in Israel. The findings focus on two contexts in the students’ lives: (1) their socio-cultural background, which includes their family and cultural space; and (2) the socio-political context, which includes majority-minority relations. A discussion on the intersection of these two spheres follows. Whereas students felt the socio-political realm was blind to their identity as Palestinian female students, they felt that the course was like their ‘home’ in terms of language and identity.

The accelerated and consistent rise in life expectancy and the growing needs of elderly people who are required to support themselves for more years are leading to a conspicuous increase in the number of older workers who choose to remain in the labor market after reaching the official retirement age. The study indicates the distinct incompatibility between this policy and the needs of post-retirement age employees and proposes a list of changes aimed at adapting the policy to the current reality. The study stresses the significance of efficient public policy operating to regulate post-retirement employment for Israeli society in general and for older employees in particular. The research conclusions can contribute to shaping global public policy concerning the employment of older people.

Following earlier studies on progressive education, nation-building, and women teachers’ history, this article examines the lives of four women during the period of the Yishuv who cultivated professional identities while also raising families. All four strove to educate students according to their own pedagogical visions despite a lack of appropriate educational means. The four women teachers faced the challenge and created educational tools based on artistic tendencies, such as dancing, composing poems, and writing prose and poetry. By doing so, they formed a basis for a new Hebrew heritage. Their artistic activities served as a source of innovative pedagogy and received public approval for their contributions to the nation-building enterprise. Professional status empowered them to create a model for career-minded women whose society presented them with a choice between motherhood and professional fulfillment.

This study investigates empathy toward Israeli Arabs among Jewish students in Israel. Our model shows that elevated levels of attachment-related anxiety are associated with greater personal distress elicited by Arab suffering. Perceptions of the national narrative as traumatic had a negative effect on empathy toward Arabs, while attachment-related anxiety and perceptions of the national narrative as traumatic were positively linked and empathy and personal distress toward Arabs were positively linked. Political views mediated the link between perceptions of the national narrative as traumatic and empathy toward Arabs. We propose that diminishing the traumatic intensity of the Jewish national narrative may serve to increase intergroup empathy.

This article presents an ethnographic analysis of the educational and religious tensions that emerged during a five-day biblical seminar run by the Israel Defense Forces’ Identity and Jewish Consciousness Unit. We argue that despite the official focus on professionalization as a pedagogical parameter, the seminar participants themselves reacted to biblical narratives in ways that indicate a distinct kind of personal and individualized discourse. By focusing on this disjuncture, we highlight the very real limitations larger (governmental or civilian) institutional entities face as they attempt to shape religious attitudes within the Israeli public arena. Examining how seminar participants interpret biblical narratives can enable scholars to portray a more nuanced account of how religion and “religionization” function within the Israel Defense Forces.

We are pleased to introduce the second issue of 2022. Several of the articles in this issue are marked by their policy relevance. The article by Arie Krampf, Uri Ansenberg, and Barak Zur examines the role played by the Labor Party government between 1992 and 1996 to guide Israel onto a neoliberal economic path. The authors coin the term “embedded neoliberalism” to explain the interaction between pro-market and anti-market influences, yielding a peculiar type of neoliberal order in Israel. Examining social work education of Palestinian female students in Israel, the article by Haneen Elias and Ronit Reuven Even-Zahav identifies the significance of context-informed education that integrates the intersectional position of Palestinian students. Finally, Erez Cohen's article identifies incompatibilities between existing public policy pertaining to post-retirement employment and the real-life needs of elderly people, suggesting a need for reform.

This article makes an empirical and historical contribution regarding the role of the Labor Party government between 1992 and 1996—Yitzhak Rabin's government—in shaping the Israeli path to neoliberalism. The article argues that Rabin's government developed a new neoliberal political-economic logic that differed from the political-economic logic of the Emergency Stabilization Plan as well as from the political-economic logic of Sharon's government in the post-Intifada era. It argues that Rabin's government's political-economic logic conforms to the notion of ‘embedded neoliberalism’ (Bohle and Greskovits 2012). The article also argues that political parties had greater impact on the Israeli neoliberal path than is conventionally claimed. The historical analysis is based on qualitative and quantitative research in six policy areas: supply-side, demand-side, welfare and redistribution, development, depoliticization and democratization.

This article presents a qualitative study of nineteen Palestinian female students in Israel. In doing so, it promotes a context-informed approach in social work education, which takes into account power relations, issues of gender, and socio-political and socio-cultural backgrounds. The students participated in a context-informed course held at Ruppin Academic Center in Israel. The findings focus on two contexts in the students’ lives: (1) their socio-cultural background, which includes their family and cultural space; and (2) the socio-political context, which includes majority-minority relations. A discussion on the intersection of these two spheres follows. Whereas students felt the socio-political realm was blind to their identity as Palestinian female students, they felt that the course was like their ‘home’ in terms of language and identity.

The accelerated and consistent rise in life expectancy and the growing needs of elderly people who are required to support themselves for more years are leading to a conspicuous increase in the number of older workers who choose to remain in the labor market after reaching the official retirement age. The study indicates the distinct incompatibility between this policy and the needs of post-retirement age employees and proposes a list of changes aimed at adapting the policy to the current reality. The study stresses the significance of efficient public policy operating to regulate post-retirement employment for Israeli society in general and for older employees in particular. The research conclusions can contribute to shaping global public policy concerning the employment of older people.

Following earlier studies on progressive education, nation-building, and women teachers’ history, this article examines the lives of four women during the period of the Yishuv who cultivated professional identities while also raising families. All four strove to educate students according to their own pedagogical visions despite a lack of appropriate educational means. The four women teachers faced the challenge and created educational tools based on artistic tendencies, such as dancing, composing poems, and writing prose and poetry. By doing so, they formed a basis for a new Hebrew heritage. Their artistic activities served as a source of innovative pedagogy and received public approval for their contributions to the nation-building enterprise. Professional status empowered them to create a model for career-minded women whose society presented them with a choice between motherhood and professional fulfillment.

This study investigates empathy toward Israeli Arabs among Jewish students in Israel. Our model shows that elevated levels of attachment-related anxiety are associated with greater personal distress elicited by Arab suffering. Perceptions of the national narrative as traumatic had a negative effect on empathy toward Arabs, while attachment-related anxiety and perceptions of the national narrative as traumatic were positively linked and empathy and personal distress toward Arabs were positively linked. Political views mediated the link between perceptions of the national narrative as traumatic and empathy toward Arabs. We propose that diminishing the traumatic intensity of the Jewish national narrative may serve to increase intergroup empathy.

This article presents an ethnographic analysis of the educational and religious tensions that emerged during a five-day biblical seminar run by the Israel Defense Forces’ Identity and Jewish Consciousness Unit. We argue that despite the official focus on professionalization as a pedagogical parameter, the seminar participants themselves reacted to biblical narratives in ways that indicate a distinct kind of personal and individualized discourse. By focusing on this disjuncture, we highlight the very real limitations larger (governmental or civilian) institutional entities face as they attempt to shape religious attitudes within the Israeli public arena. Examining how seminar participants interpret biblical narratives can enable scholars to portray a more nuanced account of how religion and “religionization” function within the Israel Defense Forces.

David Ohana, Jacqueline Kahanoff: The Levantine [In Hebrew] (Jerusalem: Carmel Publishing House, 2022), 350 pp. Hardback, $25.00.

Shaul Magid, Meir Kahane: The Public Life and Political Thought on an American Jewish Radical (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2021), 296 pp. Hardback, $35.00.

Johannes Becke, The Land beyond the Border: State Formation and Territorial Expansion in Syria, Morocco, and Israel (Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 2021), 286 pp. Paperback, $31.95.

We are pleased to introduce the second issue of 2022. Several of the articles in this issue are marked by their policy relevance. The article by Arie Krampf, Uri Ansenberg, and Barak Zur examines the role played by the Labor Party government between 1992 and 1996 to guide Israel onto a neoliberal economic path. The authors coin the term “embedded neoliberalism” to explain the interaction between pro-market and anti-market influences, yielding a peculiar type of neoliberal order in Israel. Examining social work education of Palestinian female students in Israel, the article by Haneen Elias and Ronit Reuven Even-Zahav identifies the significance of context-informed education that integrates the intersectional position of Palestinian students. Finally, Erez Cohen's article identifies incompatibilities between existing public policy pertaining to post-retirement employment and the real-life needs of elderly people, suggesting a need for reform.

This article makes an empirical and historical contribution regarding the role of the Labor Party government between 1992 and 1996—Yitzhak Rabin's government—in shaping the Israeli path to neoliberalism. The article argues that Rabin's government developed a new neoliberal political-economic logic that differed from the political-economic logic of the Emergency Stabilization Plan as well as from the political-economic logic of Sharon's government in the post-Intifada era. It argues that Rabin's government's political-economic logic conforms to the notion of ‘embedded neoliberalism’ (Bohle and Greskovits 2012). The article also argues that political parties had greater impact on the Israeli neoliberal path than is conventionally claimed. The historical analysis is based on qualitative and quantitative research in six policy areas: supply-side, demand-side, welfare and redistribution, development, depoliticization and democratization.

This article presents a qualitative study of nineteen Palestinian female students in Israel. In doing so, it promotes a context-informed approach in social work education, which takes into account power relations, issues of gender, and socio-political and socio-cultural backgrounds. The students participated in a context-informed course held at Ruppin Academic Center in Israel. The findings focus on two contexts in the students’ lives: (1) their socio-cultural background, which includes their family and cultural space; and (2) the socio-political context, which includes majority-minority relations. A discussion on the intersection of these two spheres follows. Whereas students felt the socio-political realm was blind to their identity as Palestinian female students, they felt that the course was like their ‘home’ in terms of language and identity.

The accelerated and consistent rise in life expectancy and the growing needs of elderly people who are required to support themselves for more years are leading to a conspicuous increase in the number of older workers who choose to remain in the labor market after reaching the official retirement age. The study indicates the distinct incompatibility between this policy and the needs of post-retirement age employees and proposes a list of changes aimed at adapting the policy to the current reality. The study stresses the significance of efficient public policy operating to regulate post-retirement employment for Israeli society in general and for older employees in particular. The research conclusions can contribute to shaping global public policy concerning the employment of older people.

Following earlier studies on progressive education, nation-building, and women teachers’ history, this article examines the lives of four women during the period of the Yishuv who cultivated professional identities while also raising families. All four strove to educate students according to their own pedagogical visions despite a lack of appropriate educational means. The four women teachers faced the challenge and created educational tools based on artistic tendencies, such as dancing, composing poems, and writing prose and poetry. By doing so, they formed a basis for a new Hebrew heritage. Their artistic activities served as a source of innovative pedagogy and received public approval for their contributions to the nation-building enterprise. Professional status empowered them to create a model for career-minded women whose society presented them with a choice between motherhood and professional fulfillment.

This study investigates empathy toward Israeli Arabs among Jewish students in Israel. Our model shows that elevated levels of attachment-related anxiety are associated with greater personal distress elicited by Arab suffering. Perceptions of the national narrative as traumatic had a negative effect on empathy toward Arabs, while attachment-related anxiety and perceptions of the national narrative as traumatic were positively linked and empathy and personal distress toward Arabs were positively linked. Political views mediated the link between perceptions of the national narrative as traumatic and empathy toward Arabs. We propose that diminishing the traumatic intensity of the Jewish national narrative may serve to increase intergroup empathy.

This article presents an ethnographic analysis of the educational and religious tensions that emerged during a five-day biblical seminar run by the Israel Defense Forces’ Identity and Jewish Consciousness Unit. We argue that despite the official focus on professionalization as a pedagogical parameter, the seminar participants themselves reacted to biblical narratives in ways that indicate a distinct kind of personal and individualized discourse. By focusing on this disjuncture, we highlight the very real limitations larger (governmental or civilian) institutional entities face as they attempt to shape religious attitudes within the Israeli public arena. Examining how seminar participants interpret biblical narratives can enable scholars to portray a more nuanced account of how religion and “religionization” function within the Israel Defense Forces.

David Ohana, Jacqueline Kahanoff: The Levantine [In Hebrew] (Jerusalem: Carmel Publishing House, 2022), 350 pp. Hardback, $25.00.

Shaul Magid, Meir Kahane: The Public Life and Political Thought on an American Jewish Radical (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2021), 296 pp. Hardback, $35.00.

Johannes Becke, The Land beyond the Border: State Formation and Territorial Expansion in Syria, Morocco, and Israel (Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 2021), 286 pp. Paperback, $31.95.

Alan Dowty, Israel (Medford, MD: Polity Histories Series, 2021), 224 pp., $14.95 (paperback).

Devorah S. Manekin, Regular Soldiers, Irregular War: Violence and Restraint in the Second Intifada (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2020), 264 pp., $39.95 (hardback).

Raphael Cohen-Almagor, Just, Reasonable Multiculturalism: Liberalism, Culture and Coercion (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2021), 250 pp., $29.99 (paperback).

Ian Mcgonigle, Genomic Citizenship: The Molecularization of Identity in the Contemporary Middle East (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2021), 220 pp., $75.00 (paperback).

Liora Halperin, The Oldest Guard: Forging the Zionist Settler Past (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2021), 368 pp., $28.00 (paperback).

We are appreciative of the supportive feedback we received on our inaugural issue as editors. The positive response to the roundtable on COVID-19 has been heartening, bolstering our commitment to bring forth scholarly forums and debates from multiple disciplines on the most pertinent issues facing Israeli society. We would like to encourage further involvement of our readers. Please send us ideas regarding themes for forums, roundtables, and special issues. Moreover, a short commentary section, in the form of “letters to the editors,” will be introduced in an upcoming issue. This new section will allow academic comments on articles that have been published and thus facilitate scholarly debate on current research.

We are appreciative of the supportive feedback we received on our inaugural issue as editors. The positive response to the roundtable on COVID-19 has been heartening, bolstering our commitment to bring forth scholarly forums and debates from multiple disciplines on the most pertinent issues facing Israeli society. We would like to encourage further involvement of our readers. Please send us ideas regarding themes for forums, roundtables, and special issues. Moreover, a short commentary section, in the form of “letters to the editors,” will be introduced in an upcoming issue. This new section will allow academic comments on articles that have been published and thus facilitate scholarly debate on current research.

This article introduces a new dataset to study Israeli politics. Taking an agenda-setting approach, the dataset includes longitudinal series of political outputs—legislative, executive, judicial, and public opinion—as a measure of policy attention in Israel from 1981 to 2019. Each item in each series is hand-coded using the coding scheme of the Comparative Agendas Project (CAP), providing a unified longitudinal overview of the Israeli political agenda. The dataset enables scholars interested in Israeli policy and politics, as well researchers from communication, economy, and law to study agenda dynamics within specific venues, between venues over time, and across countries. It also enables comparative studies that situate Israel among other countries and provides empirical evidence to assess whether, in what, and to what extent Israel is exceptional.

We are appreciative of the supportive feedback we received on our inaugural issue as editors. The positive response to the roundtable on COVID-19 has been heartening, bolstering our commitment to bring forth scholarly forums and debates from multiple disciplines on the most pertinent issues facing Israeli society. We would like to encourage further involvement of our readers. Please send us ideas regarding themes for forums, roundtables, and special issues. Moreover, a short commentary section, in the form of “letters to the editors,” will be introduced in an upcoming issue. This new section will allow academic comments on articles that have been published and thus facilitate scholarly debate on current research.

This article introduces a new dataset to study Israeli politics. Taking an agenda-setting approach, the dataset includes longitudinal series of political outputs—legislative, executive, judicial, and public opinion—as a measure of policy attention in Israel from 1981 to 2019. Each item in each series is hand-coded using the coding scheme of the Comparative Agendas Project (CAP), providing a unified longitudinal overview of the Israeli political agenda. The dataset enables scholars interested in Israeli policy and politics, as well researchers from communication, economy, and law to study agenda dynamics within specific venues, between venues over time, and across countries. It also enables comparative studies that situate Israel among other countries and provides empirical evidence to assess whether, in what, and to what extent Israel is exceptional.

Ideational change in the self-characterization of a state is bound to have repercussions on its domestic and foreign policy behavior. Consequently, the gradual but radical change that has been ongoing in Turkey in the past two decades has had a wide-ranging impact on the way Turkish foreign policy has been conducted. Whereas survival and protection of territorial integrity as well as a Western orientation were traditionally the main concerns of Turkish policy-makers, under the rule of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) (since 2002), there has been a partial Islamization of Turkish foreign policy especially with regard to liaisons with Israel and Palestine. This shift can be explained by the replacement of the Western Turkish state identity with an Islamic conservative outlook.