To what extent can past injustices perpetrated by states and entire societies be “repaired” through offering victims official recognition and material compensation? The question reflects a distinctively post–1945 understanding of the meaning and goals of reparations. Previously, the term had been associated with questions of “war guilt and the burdens victorious nations placed on defeated enemies.” The magnitude of Nazism's crimes necessitated new approaches to restorative justice centering the violation of victims’ human rights.

To what extent can past injustices perpetrated by states and entire societies be “repaired” through offering victims official recognition and material compensation? The question reflects a distinctively post–1945 understanding of the meaning and goals of reparations. Previously, the term had been associated with questions of “war guilt and the burdens victorious nations placed on defeated enemies.” The magnitude of Nazism's crimes necessitated new approaches to restorative justice centering the violation of victims’ human rights.

Nobles’ losses of income and property during the French Revolution have been widely discussed in the historiography on modern France. Less is known, however, about how nobles pursued financial compensation from the French state. In the France of the Bourbon Restoration, former émigrés and their heirs became eligible to receive payment through the indemnity law of 27 April 1825 that became known as le milliard des émigrés. This article presents five case studies of noble families’ experiences in claiming an indemnity for properties in France and Haiti. Nobles’ engagement with the administrative processes set up for the 1825 indemnity law served as collective memory-making for the goal of consolidating patrimony to protect status and income in future generations.

To what extent can past injustices perpetrated by states and entire societies be “repaired” through offering victims official recognition and material compensation? The question reflects a distinctively post–1945 understanding of the meaning and goals of reparations. Previously, the term had been associated with questions of “war guilt and the burdens victorious nations placed on defeated enemies.” The magnitude of Nazism's crimes necessitated new approaches to restorative justice centering the violation of victims’ human rights.

Nobles’ losses of income and property during the French Revolution have been widely discussed in the historiography on modern France. Less is known, however, about how nobles pursued financial compensation from the French state. In the France of the Bourbon Restoration, former émigrés and their heirs became eligible to receive payment through the indemnity law of 27 April 1825 that became known as le milliard des émigrés. This article presents five case studies of noble families’ experiences in claiming an indemnity for properties in France and Haiti. Nobles’ engagement with the administrative processes set up for the 1825 indemnity law served as collective memory-making for the goal of consolidating patrimony to protect status and income in future generations.

This article looks at the relationship between reparations and the reconstruction of Jewish livelihoods in West Germany, focusing on businesses. Reparations were a vital source of capital for the many Jewish businesses (re-)established after the war. Indeed, without them, the postwar Jewish (re-)turn to entrepreneurship would undoubtedly have been smaller. However, reparations did not provide enough capital, or provide it in a timely enough manner, to allow Jewish business owners to establish stable enterprises. They thus contributed to the precarity of postwar Jewish economic life. This situation encouraged collective action. Through their organizations, Jewish business owners and their supporters fought not only to improve the existing program but also to gain access to the kinds of assistance available to other recognized war victims in West Germany, especially German refugees. In doing so, they highlighted the discrepancies between what were effectively different reparations regimes and sought to bring them into alignment.

To what extent can past injustices perpetrated by states and entire societies be “repaired” through offering victims official recognition and material compensation? The question reflects a distinctively post–1945 understanding of the meaning and goals of reparations. Previously, the term had been associated with questions of “war guilt and the burdens victorious nations placed on defeated enemies.” The magnitude of Nazism's crimes necessitated new approaches to restorative justice centering the violation of victims’ human rights.

Nobles’ losses of income and property during the French Revolution have been widely discussed in the historiography on modern France. Less is known, however, about how nobles pursued financial compensation from the French state. In the France of the Bourbon Restoration, former émigrés and their heirs became eligible to receive payment through the indemnity law of 27 April 1825 that became known as le milliard des émigrés. This article presents five case studies of noble families’ experiences in claiming an indemnity for properties in France and Haiti. Nobles’ engagement with the administrative processes set up for the 1825 indemnity law served as collective memory-making for the goal of consolidating patrimony to protect status and income in future generations.

This article looks at the relationship between reparations and the reconstruction of Jewish livelihoods in West Germany, focusing on businesses. Reparations were a vital source of capital for the many Jewish businesses (re-)established after the war. Indeed, without them, the postwar Jewish (re-)turn to entrepreneurship would undoubtedly have been smaller. However, reparations did not provide enough capital, or provide it in a timely enough manner, to allow Jewish business owners to establish stable enterprises. They thus contributed to the precarity of postwar Jewish economic life. This situation encouraged collective action. Through their organizations, Jewish business owners and their supporters fought not only to improve the existing program but also to gain access to the kinds of assistance available to other recognized war victims in West Germany, especially German refugees. In doing so, they highlighted the discrepancies between what were effectively different reparations regimes and sought to bring them into alignment.

This article approaches the subject of reparations for Nazi crimes by understanding the reparations process primarily as routine administrative practice. This is an approach that has rarely been adopted by historians. During their often lengthy compensation proceedings, applicants gained experiences that went far beyond dealing with the final decisions. Close analysis of the concrete interactions and complex dynamics between Sinti and Roma claimants and the compensation bureaucracy in Baden-Württemberg, conceptualized as a systematic “contact zone” of individual negotiations of Wiedergutmachung, shows that, for this specific victim group, compensation was often experienced as frustrating. This had as much to do with antigypsy discrimination as it did with tragic misunderstandings and negative preconceptions on both sides. These difficulties of mutual understanding eroded acceptance of the political program of reparations.

To what extent can past injustices perpetrated by states and entire societies be “repaired” through offering victims official recognition and material compensation? The question reflects a distinctively post–1945 understanding of the meaning and goals of reparations. Previously, the term had been associated with questions of “war guilt and the burdens victorious nations placed on defeated enemies.” The magnitude of Nazism's crimes necessitated new approaches to restorative justice centering the violation of victims’ human rights.

Nobles’ losses of income and property during the French Revolution have been widely discussed in the historiography on modern France. Less is known, however, about how nobles pursued financial compensation from the French state. In the France of the Bourbon Restoration, former émigrés and their heirs became eligible to receive payment through the indemnity law of 27 April 1825 that became known as le milliard des émigrés. This article presents five case studies of noble families’ experiences in claiming an indemnity for properties in France and Haiti. Nobles’ engagement with the administrative processes set up for the 1825 indemnity law served as collective memory-making for the goal of consolidating patrimony to protect status and income in future generations.

This article looks at the relationship between reparations and the reconstruction of Jewish livelihoods in West Germany, focusing on businesses. Reparations were a vital source of capital for the many Jewish businesses (re-)established after the war. Indeed, without them, the postwar Jewish (re-)turn to entrepreneurship would undoubtedly have been smaller. However, reparations did not provide enough capital, or provide it in a timely enough manner, to allow Jewish business owners to establish stable enterprises. They thus contributed to the precarity of postwar Jewish economic life. This situation encouraged collective action. Through their organizations, Jewish business owners and their supporters fought not only to improve the existing program but also to gain access to the kinds of assistance available to other recognized war victims in West Germany, especially German refugees. In doing so, they highlighted the discrepancies between what were effectively different reparations regimes and sought to bring them into alignment.

This article approaches the subject of reparations for Nazi crimes by understanding the reparations process primarily as routine administrative practice. This is an approach that has rarely been adopted by historians. During their often lengthy compensation proceedings, applicants gained experiences that went far beyond dealing with the final decisions. Close analysis of the concrete interactions and complex dynamics between Sinti and Roma claimants and the compensation bureaucracy in Baden-Württemberg, conceptualized as a systematic “contact zone” of individual negotiations of Wiedergutmachung, shows that, for this specific victim group, compensation was often experienced as frustrating. This had as much to do with antigypsy discrimination as it did with tragic misunderstandings and negative preconceptions on both sides. These difficulties of mutual understanding eroded acceptance of the political program of reparations.

Forced sterilization of ethnic and social groups the regime considered “inferior” constituted a key element of Nazi racial policy. However, after 1949, the resilience of eugenics in the Federal Republic blocked reparations (Wiedergutmachung) for victims of Nazi-era sterilizations. The first group of persons labeled “non-Aryan,” whom the Nazis subjected to systematic forced sterilization, were the German descendants of French and US soldiers of color who had participated in the 1920s Rhineland occupation. Between four hundred and six hundred biracial Rhenish children and teenagers were forcibly sterilized over the summer of 1937. Many aspects of biracial Rhinelanders’ lives remain obscure. Their struggles for reparations in the Federal Republic mark a virtually unexplored field. This article is a first attempt to address this historiographic gap. Based on extensive archival research, it focuses on five biographical case studies. The preliminary research does not confirm assessments that victims of the 1937 Rhineland campaign never received any compensation. However, although a small number of biracial Rhinelanders may have obtained modest levels of Wiedergutmachung, there is little evidence of growing public awareness of the crimes of the Rhineland campaign. Biracial Rhinelanders’ political isolation challenges us to revisit influential interpretations of reparations for the forcibly sterilized as a contested and slow yet ultimately productive societal “learning process.”

To what extent can past injustices perpetrated by states and entire societies be “repaired” through offering victims official recognition and material compensation? The question reflects a distinctively post–1945 understanding of the meaning and goals of reparations. Previously, the term had been associated with questions of “war guilt and the burdens victorious nations placed on defeated enemies.” The magnitude of Nazism's crimes necessitated new approaches to restorative justice centering the violation of victims’ human rights.

Nobles’ losses of income and property during the French Revolution have been widely discussed in the historiography on modern France. Less is known, however, about how nobles pursued financial compensation from the French state. In the France of the Bourbon Restoration, former émigrés and their heirs became eligible to receive payment through the indemnity law of 27 April 1825 that became known as le milliard des émigrés. This article presents five case studies of noble families’ experiences in claiming an indemnity for properties in France and Haiti. Nobles’ engagement with the administrative processes set up for the 1825 indemnity law served as collective memory-making for the goal of consolidating patrimony to protect status and income in future generations.

This article looks at the relationship between reparations and the reconstruction of Jewish livelihoods in West Germany, focusing on businesses. Reparations were a vital source of capital for the many Jewish businesses (re-)established after the war. Indeed, without them, the postwar Jewish (re-)turn to entrepreneurship would undoubtedly have been smaller. However, reparations did not provide enough capital, or provide it in a timely enough manner, to allow Jewish business owners to establish stable enterprises. They thus contributed to the precarity of postwar Jewish economic life. This situation encouraged collective action. Through their organizations, Jewish business owners and their supporters fought not only to improve the existing program but also to gain access to the kinds of assistance available to other recognized war victims in West Germany, especially German refugees. In doing so, they highlighted the discrepancies between what were effectively different reparations regimes and sought to bring them into alignment.

This article approaches the subject of reparations for Nazi crimes by understanding the reparations process primarily as routine administrative practice. This is an approach that has rarely been adopted by historians. During their often lengthy compensation proceedings, applicants gained experiences that went far beyond dealing with the final decisions. Close analysis of the concrete interactions and complex dynamics between Sinti and Roma claimants and the compensation bureaucracy in Baden-Württemberg, conceptualized as a systematic “contact zone” of individual negotiations of Wiedergutmachung, shows that, for this specific victim group, compensation was often experienced as frustrating. This had as much to do with antigypsy discrimination as it did with tragic misunderstandings and negative preconceptions on both sides. These difficulties of mutual understanding eroded acceptance of the political program of reparations.

Forced sterilization of ethnic and social groups the regime considered “inferior” constituted a key element of Nazi racial policy. However, after 1949, the resilience of eugenics in the Federal Republic blocked reparations (Wiedergutmachung) for victims of Nazi-era sterilizations. The first group of persons labeled “non-Aryan,” whom the Nazis subjected to systematic forced sterilization, were the German descendants of French and US soldiers of color who had participated in the 1920s Rhineland occupation. Between four hundred and six hundred biracial Rhenish children and teenagers were forcibly sterilized over the summer of 1937. Many aspects of biracial Rhinelanders’ lives remain obscure. Their struggles for reparations in the Federal Republic mark a virtually unexplored field. This article is a first attempt to address this historiographic gap. Based on extensive archival research, it focuses on five biographical case studies. The preliminary research does not confirm assessments that victims of the 1937 Rhineland campaign never received any compensation. However, although a small number of biracial Rhinelanders may have obtained modest levels of Wiedergutmachung, there is little evidence of growing public awareness of the crimes of the Rhineland campaign. Biracial Rhinelanders’ political isolation challenges us to revisit influential interpretations of reparations for the forcibly sterilized as a contested and slow yet ultimately productive societal “learning process.”

This article explores the transnational and intergenerational dynamics of Holocaust reparations in Europe in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. It focuses on these dynamics in the case of Austria in the context of deepening European integration, through detailed case studies of two Austrian Holocaust survivors’ reparations and restitution claims history. Those claimants were the author's paternal grandparents; her portrait of their experience draws on both archival research and private family papers. The article suggests that a transnational approach to the instrumentalization of Holocaust reparations in contemporary Europe can open up fruitful new lines of inquiry for comparative research on reparations for transatlantic slavery and colonialism.

To what extent can past injustices perpetrated by states and entire societies be “repaired” through offering victims official recognition and material compensation? The question reflects a distinctively post–1945 understanding of the meaning and goals of reparations. Previously, the term had been associated with questions of “war guilt and the burdens victorious nations placed on defeated enemies.” The magnitude of Nazism's crimes necessitated new approaches to restorative justice centering the violation of victims’ human rights.

Nobles’ losses of income and property during the French Revolution have been widely discussed in the historiography on modern France. Less is known, however, about how nobles pursued financial compensation from the French state. In the France of the Bourbon Restoration, former émigrés and their heirs became eligible to receive payment through the indemnity law of 27 April 1825 that became known as le milliard des émigrés. This article presents five case studies of noble families’ experiences in claiming an indemnity for properties in France and Haiti. Nobles’ engagement with the administrative processes set up for the 1825 indemnity law served as collective memory-making for the goal of consolidating patrimony to protect status and income in future generations.

This article looks at the relationship between reparations and the reconstruction of Jewish livelihoods in West Germany, focusing on businesses. Reparations were a vital source of capital for the many Jewish businesses (re-)established after the war. Indeed, without them, the postwar Jewish (re-)turn to entrepreneurship would undoubtedly have been smaller. However, reparations did not provide enough capital, or provide it in a timely enough manner, to allow Jewish business owners to establish stable enterprises. They thus contributed to the precarity of postwar Jewish economic life. This situation encouraged collective action. Through their organizations, Jewish business owners and their supporters fought not only to improve the existing program but also to gain access to the kinds of assistance available to other recognized war victims in West Germany, especially German refugees. In doing so, they highlighted the discrepancies between what were effectively different reparations regimes and sought to bring them into alignment.

This article approaches the subject of reparations for Nazi crimes by understanding the reparations process primarily as routine administrative practice. This is an approach that has rarely been adopted by historians. During their often lengthy compensation proceedings, applicants gained experiences that went far beyond dealing with the final decisions. Close analysis of the concrete interactions and complex dynamics between Sinti and Roma claimants and the compensation bureaucracy in Baden-Württemberg, conceptualized as a systematic “contact zone” of individual negotiations of Wiedergutmachung, shows that, for this specific victim group, compensation was often experienced as frustrating. This had as much to do with antigypsy discrimination as it did with tragic misunderstandings and negative preconceptions on both sides. These difficulties of mutual understanding eroded acceptance of the political program of reparations.

Forced sterilization of ethnic and social groups the regime considered “inferior” constituted a key element of Nazi racial policy. However, after 1949, the resilience of eugenics in the Federal Republic blocked reparations (Wiedergutmachung) for victims of Nazi-era sterilizations. The first group of persons labeled “non-Aryan,” whom the Nazis subjected to systematic forced sterilization, were the German descendants of French and US soldiers of color who had participated in the 1920s Rhineland occupation. Between four hundred and six hundred biracial Rhenish children and teenagers were forcibly sterilized over the summer of 1937. Many aspects of biracial Rhinelanders’ lives remain obscure. Their struggles for reparations in the Federal Republic mark a virtually unexplored field. This article is a first attempt to address this historiographic gap. Based on extensive archival research, it focuses on five biographical case studies. The preliminary research does not confirm assessments that victims of the 1937 Rhineland campaign never received any compensation. However, although a small number of biracial Rhinelanders may have obtained modest levels of Wiedergutmachung, there is little evidence of growing public awareness of the crimes of the Rhineland campaign. Biracial Rhinelanders’ political isolation challenges us to revisit influential interpretations of reparations for the forcibly sterilized as a contested and slow yet ultimately productive societal “learning process.”

This article explores the transnational and intergenerational dynamics of Holocaust reparations in Europe in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. It focuses on these dynamics in the case of Austria in the context of deepening European integration, through detailed case studies of two Austrian Holocaust survivors’ reparations and restitution claims history. Those claimants were the author's paternal grandparents; her portrait of their experience draws on both archival research and private family papers. The article suggests that a transnational approach to the instrumentalization of Holocaust reparations in contemporary Europe can open up fruitful new lines of inquiry for comparative research on reparations for transatlantic slavery and colonialism.

Recent calls in the United States for reparations for slavery have often referenced Germany as a useful model because of its payments to Israel and efforts to atone for the Holocaust. This article traces how Germans have grappled with the Nazi legacy since 1945, focusing on developments and debates in the Federal Republic. It brings more specificity to the lexicon of reparative justice as it considers the lessons that emerge from the German case. Pondering the relative absence of reparative justice for slavery in the United States, the article suggests that the failure to reckon with this difficult history has paradoxically created conditions that made racism's shape-shifting nature more evident and necessary to confront in the United States than they have appeared in Germany.

Earthquakes are among the most destructive natural disasters; however, accurately predicting when an earthquake will strike remains elusive. Consequently, the statistical analysis of historical earthquake records becomes invaluable for forecasting future seismic events. In pre-modern Vietnam, from the tenth to the nineteenth centuries, chronicles such as The Abridged Chronicles of Việt, The Complete Annals of Đại Việt, The Imperially Ordered Outlines and Essentials of the Comprehensive Mirror of the History of Việt, and The Veritable Records of the Great South recorded seventy-three earthquakes. This article provides an overview of earthquake records in historical sources, recounts notable earthquakes, and compares these accounts with seismic data. Additionally, it examines the perceptions of pre-modern Vietnamese people, as documented by royal historiographers, regarding the origins and causes of earthquakes, along with the measures taken in response to these natural disasters.

Earthquakes are among the most destructive natural disasters; however, accurately predicting when an earthquake will strike remains elusive. Consequently, the statistical analysis of historical earthquake records becomes invaluable for forecasting future seismic events. In pre-modern Vietnam, from the tenth to the nineteenth centuries, chronicles such as The Abridged Chronicles of Việt, The Complete Annals of Đại Việt, The Imperially Ordered Outlines and Essentials of the Comprehensive Mirror of the History of Việt, and The Veritable Records of the Great South recorded seventy-three earthquakes. This article provides an overview of earthquake records in historical sources, recounts notable earthquakes, and compares these accounts with seismic data. Additionally, it examines the perceptions of pre-modern Vietnamese people, as documented by royal historiographers, regarding the origins and causes of earthquakes, along with the measures taken in response to these natural disasters.

The aim of the article is to understand historians’ silences toward certain topics. The main argument is that sometimes historians’ silence can be considered as unspoken judgment and such judgment tends to be more meaningful and important than spoken and articulated one. To achieve the goal and demonstrate the argument, I will utilize modes of conceptual implications that are derived from legal theory (uṣūl al-fiqh) as a methodology and apply them to some cases from pre-modern Arabic historiography. The article is an opportunity to vitalize humanities fields via interdisciplinarity and likewise to give legal theory a chance to engage with humanities fields.

Earthquakes are among the most destructive natural disasters; however, accurately predicting when an earthquake will strike remains elusive. Consequently, the statistical analysis of historical earthquake records becomes invaluable for forecasting future seismic events. In pre-modern Vietnam, from the tenth to the nineteenth centuries, chronicles such as The Abridged Chronicles of Việt, The Complete Annals of Đại Việt, The Imperially Ordered Outlines and Essentials of the Comprehensive Mirror of the History of Việt, and The Veritable Records of the Great South recorded seventy-three earthquakes. This article provides an overview of earthquake records in historical sources, recounts notable earthquakes, and compares these accounts with seismic data. Additionally, it examines the perceptions of pre-modern Vietnamese people, as documented by royal historiographers, regarding the origins and causes of earthquakes, along with the measures taken in response to these natural disasters.

The aim of the article is to understand historians’ silences toward certain topics. The main argument is that sometimes historians’ silence can be considered as unspoken judgment and such judgment tends to be more meaningful and important than spoken and articulated one. To achieve the goal and demonstrate the argument, I will utilize modes of conceptual implications that are derived from legal theory (uṣūl al-fiqh) as a methodology and apply them to some cases from pre-modern Arabic historiography. The article is an opportunity to vitalize humanities fields via interdisciplinarity and likewise to give legal theory a chance to engage with humanities fields.

The history of modernity's emergence has often been described as secularization, with the Enlightenment understood as a crucial chapter. Since the late twentieth century, however, the secularization paradigm has been severely undermined in various disciplines. This article intends to contribute to these historiographical debates by tracing core Enlightenment ideas to the religiously grounded philosophy of the Middle Ages, revealing major yet overlooked continuities between scholasticism and Enlightenment thought. Focusing on one especially influential stream of Enlightenment moral philosophy, which provided the intellectual basis of the eighteenth-century culture of sensibility, it demonstrates that the concept of an instinctive moral sense originated in Aristotelian-Thomist scholasticism as developed by Bonaventure. This tradition was transmitted to seventeenth- century England through John Wilkins's circle, enabling Shaftesbury's engagement with these ideas. Shaftesbury subsequently influenced Enlightenment moral philosophy both in Scotland and, via Diderot and Rousseau, in France.

Earthquakes are among the most destructive natural disasters; however, accurately predicting when an earthquake will strike remains elusive. Consequently, the statistical analysis of historical earthquake records becomes invaluable for forecasting future seismic events. In pre-modern Vietnam, from the tenth to the nineteenth centuries, chronicles such as The Abridged Chronicles of Việt, The Complete Annals of Đại Việt, The Imperially Ordered Outlines and Essentials of the Comprehensive Mirror of the History of Việt, and The Veritable Records of the Great South recorded seventy-three earthquakes. This article provides an overview of earthquake records in historical sources, recounts notable earthquakes, and compares these accounts with seismic data. Additionally, it examines the perceptions of pre-modern Vietnamese people, as documented by royal historiographers, regarding the origins and causes of earthquakes, along with the measures taken in response to these natural disasters.

The aim of the article is to understand historians’ silences toward certain topics. The main argument is that sometimes historians’ silence can be considered as unspoken judgment and such judgment tends to be more meaningful and important than spoken and articulated one. To achieve the goal and demonstrate the argument, I will utilize modes of conceptual implications that are derived from legal theory (uṣūl al-fiqh) as a methodology and apply them to some cases from pre-modern Arabic historiography. The article is an opportunity to vitalize humanities fields via interdisciplinarity and likewise to give legal theory a chance to engage with humanities fields.

The history of modernity's emergence has often been described as secularization, with the Enlightenment understood as a crucial chapter. Since the late twentieth century, however, the secularization paradigm has been severely undermined in various disciplines. This article intends to contribute to these historiographical debates by tracing core Enlightenment ideas to the religiously grounded philosophy of the Middle Ages, revealing major yet overlooked continuities between scholasticism and Enlightenment thought. Focusing on one especially influential stream of Enlightenment moral philosophy, which provided the intellectual basis of the eighteenth-century culture of sensibility, it demonstrates that the concept of an instinctive moral sense originated in Aristotelian-Thomist scholasticism as developed by Bonaventure. This tradition was transmitted to seventeenth- century England through John Wilkins's circle, enabling Shaftesbury's engagement with these ideas. Shaftesbury subsequently influenced Enlightenment moral philosophy both in Scotland and, via Diderot and Rousseau, in France.

This article focuses on the influence of liberal and postliberal historiography on the study of Christianity. It aims to define a postliberal historiography that goes beyond the constraints of existing critiques of liberal historiography. Postliberal historiography critiques liberal historicism but has yet to fully escape its ontological assumptions. To move beyond its limitations, history must be reinterpreted through a new ontological framework that redefines history's nature, time, causality, and human agency. The article then examines how a truly postliberal historiography reshapes the historical study of Christianity. Such an approach sees Christianity not as a historical phase to be outgrown but as a continuous and authoritative tradition integral to human history.

Earthquakes are among the most destructive natural disasters; however, accurately predicting when an earthquake will strike remains elusive. Consequently, the statistical analysis of historical earthquake records becomes invaluable for forecasting future seismic events. In pre-modern Vietnam, from the tenth to the nineteenth centuries, chronicles such as The Abridged Chronicles of Việt, The Complete Annals of Đại Việt, The Imperially Ordered Outlines and Essentials of the Comprehensive Mirror of the History of Việt, and The Veritable Records of the Great South recorded seventy-three earthquakes. This article provides an overview of earthquake records in historical sources, recounts notable earthquakes, and compares these accounts with seismic data. Additionally, it examines the perceptions of pre-modern Vietnamese people, as documented by royal historiographers, regarding the origins and causes of earthquakes, along with the measures taken in response to these natural disasters.

The aim of the article is to understand historians’ silences toward certain topics. The main argument is that sometimes historians’ silence can be considered as unspoken judgment and such judgment tends to be more meaningful and important than spoken and articulated one. To achieve the goal and demonstrate the argument, I will utilize modes of conceptual implications that are derived from legal theory (uṣūl al-fiqh) as a methodology and apply them to some cases from pre-modern Arabic historiography. The article is an opportunity to vitalize humanities fields via interdisciplinarity and likewise to give legal theory a chance to engage with humanities fields.

The history of modernity's emergence has often been described as secularization, with the Enlightenment understood as a crucial chapter. Since the late twentieth century, however, the secularization paradigm has been severely undermined in various disciplines. This article intends to contribute to these historiographical debates by tracing core Enlightenment ideas to the religiously grounded philosophy of the Middle Ages, revealing major yet overlooked continuities between scholasticism and Enlightenment thought. Focusing on one especially influential stream of Enlightenment moral philosophy, which provided the intellectual basis of the eighteenth-century culture of sensibility, it demonstrates that the concept of an instinctive moral sense originated in Aristotelian-Thomist scholasticism as developed by Bonaventure. This tradition was transmitted to seventeenth- century England through John Wilkins's circle, enabling Shaftesbury's engagement with these ideas. Shaftesbury subsequently influenced Enlightenment moral philosophy both in Scotland and, via Diderot and Rousseau, in France.

This article focuses on the influence of liberal and postliberal historiography on the study of Christianity. It aims to define a postliberal historiography that goes beyond the constraints of existing critiques of liberal historiography. Postliberal historiography critiques liberal historicism but has yet to fully escape its ontological assumptions. To move beyond its limitations, history must be reinterpreted through a new ontological framework that redefines history's nature, time, causality, and human agency. The article then examines how a truly postliberal historiography reshapes the historical study of Christianity. Such an approach sees Christianity not as a historical phase to be outgrown but as a continuous and authoritative tradition integral to human history.

During the Cold War, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) conducted extensive surveillance of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), claiming to protect national security and prevent communist infiltration. Influenced by J. Edgar Hoover's personal biases against the civil rights movement, the FBI used methods such as wiretapping, infiltration, and psychological tactics. These surveillance operations had a considerable impact on the NAACP's operational dynamics, inducing psychological distress among its members and adversely affecting public perception. In response to the intensifying red scare, the NAACP adopted a pronounced anti-communist position. The FBI's surveillance not only squandered substantial resources within the US judicial system but also severely disrupted the internal functioning of the NAACP, tarnished its external reputation, and ultimately undermined its leadership role in the civil rights movement.

Earthquakes are among the most destructive natural disasters; however, accurately predicting when an earthquake will strike remains elusive. Consequently, the statistical analysis of historical earthquake records becomes invaluable for forecasting future seismic events. In pre-modern Vietnam, from the tenth to the nineteenth centuries, chronicles such as The Abridged Chronicles of Việt, The Complete Annals of Đại Việt, The Imperially Ordered Outlines and Essentials of the Comprehensive Mirror of the History of Việt, and The Veritable Records of the Great South recorded seventy-three earthquakes. This article provides an overview of earthquake records in historical sources, recounts notable earthquakes, and compares these accounts with seismic data. Additionally, it examines the perceptions of pre-modern Vietnamese people, as documented by royal historiographers, regarding the origins and causes of earthquakes, along with the measures taken in response to these natural disasters.

The aim of the article is to understand historians’ silences toward certain topics. The main argument is that sometimes historians’ silence can be considered as unspoken judgment and such judgment tends to be more meaningful and important than spoken and articulated one. To achieve the goal and demonstrate the argument, I will utilize modes of conceptual implications that are derived from legal theory (uṣūl al-fiqh) as a methodology and apply them to some cases from pre-modern Arabic historiography. The article is an opportunity to vitalize humanities fields via interdisciplinarity and likewise to give legal theory a chance to engage with humanities fields.

The history of modernity's emergence has often been described as secularization, with the Enlightenment understood as a crucial chapter. Since the late twentieth century, however, the secularization paradigm has been severely undermined in various disciplines. This article intends to contribute to these historiographical debates by tracing core Enlightenment ideas to the religiously grounded philosophy of the Middle Ages, revealing major yet overlooked continuities between scholasticism and Enlightenment thought. Focusing on one especially influential stream of Enlightenment moral philosophy, which provided the intellectual basis of the eighteenth-century culture of sensibility, it demonstrates that the concept of an instinctive moral sense originated in Aristotelian-Thomist scholasticism as developed by Bonaventure. This tradition was transmitted to seventeenth- century England through John Wilkins's circle, enabling Shaftesbury's engagement with these ideas. Shaftesbury subsequently influenced Enlightenment moral philosophy both in Scotland and, via Diderot and Rousseau, in France.

This article focuses on the influence of liberal and postliberal historiography on the study of Christianity. It aims to define a postliberal historiography that goes beyond the constraints of existing critiques of liberal historiography. Postliberal historiography critiques liberal historicism but has yet to fully escape its ontological assumptions. To move beyond its limitations, history must be reinterpreted through a new ontological framework that redefines history's nature, time, causality, and human agency. The article then examines how a truly postliberal historiography reshapes the historical study of Christianity. Such an approach sees Christianity not as a historical phase to be outgrown but as a continuous and authoritative tradition integral to human history.

During the Cold War, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) conducted extensive surveillance of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), claiming to protect national security and prevent communist infiltration. Influenced by J. Edgar Hoover's personal biases against the civil rights movement, the FBI used methods such as wiretapping, infiltration, and psychological tactics. These surveillance operations had a considerable impact on the NAACP's operational dynamics, inducing psychological distress among its members and adversely affecting public perception. In response to the intensifying red scare, the NAACP adopted a pronounced anti-communist position. The FBI's surveillance not only squandered substantial resources within the US judicial system but also severely disrupted the internal functioning of the NAACP, tarnished its external reputation, and ultimately undermined its leadership role in the civil rights movement.

Expectations for the future infused 1950s culture. Drawing on the recent wartime past and the new Cold War, individuals and governments around the world imagined the years to come, anticipating both the unbounded potential and the terrifying problems that seemed just over the temporal horizon. The governments of East and West Germany became particularly invested in describing the better future and especially in trying to bring their visions to fruition. Despite claiming that they were embarking toward opposing futures of socialism and capitalism, the two states presented the future in similar ways. They focused on predictions that were concrete, achievable, and near at hand. Indeed, the future was so near that it was possible to point out some ways in which it was already present.

Earthquakes are among the most destructive natural disasters; however, accurately predicting when an earthquake will strike remains elusive. Consequently, the statistical analysis of historical earthquake records becomes invaluable for forecasting future seismic events. In pre-modern Vietnam, from the tenth to the nineteenth centuries, chronicles such as The Abridged Chronicles of Việt, The Complete Annals of Đại Việt, The Imperially Ordered Outlines and Essentials of the Comprehensive Mirror of the History of Việt, and The Veritable Records of the Great South recorded seventy-three earthquakes. This article provides an overview of earthquake records in historical sources, recounts notable earthquakes, and compares these accounts with seismic data. Additionally, it examines the perceptions of pre-modern Vietnamese people, as documented by royal historiographers, regarding the origins and causes of earthquakes, along with the measures taken in response to these natural disasters.

The aim of the article is to understand historians’ silences toward certain topics. The main argument is that sometimes historians’ silence can be considered as unspoken judgment and such judgment tends to be more meaningful and important than spoken and articulated one. To achieve the goal and demonstrate the argument, I will utilize modes of conceptual implications that are derived from legal theory (uṣūl al-fiqh) as a methodology and apply them to some cases from pre-modern Arabic historiography. The article is an opportunity to vitalize humanities fields via interdisciplinarity and likewise to give legal theory a chance to engage with humanities fields.

The history of modernity's emergence has often been described as secularization, with the Enlightenment understood as a crucial chapter. Since the late twentieth century, however, the secularization paradigm has been severely undermined in various disciplines. This article intends to contribute to these historiographical debates by tracing core Enlightenment ideas to the religiously grounded philosophy of the Middle Ages, revealing major yet overlooked continuities between scholasticism and Enlightenment thought. Focusing on one especially influential stream of Enlightenment moral philosophy, which provided the intellectual basis of the eighteenth-century culture of sensibility, it demonstrates that the concept of an instinctive moral sense originated in Aristotelian-Thomist scholasticism as developed by Bonaventure. This tradition was transmitted to seventeenth- century England through John Wilkins's circle, enabling Shaftesbury's engagement with these ideas. Shaftesbury subsequently influenced Enlightenment moral philosophy both in Scotland and, via Diderot and Rousseau, in France.

This article focuses on the influence of liberal and postliberal historiography on the study of Christianity. It aims to define a postliberal historiography that goes beyond the constraints of existing critiques of liberal historiography. Postliberal historiography critiques liberal historicism but has yet to fully escape its ontological assumptions. To move beyond its limitations, history must be reinterpreted through a new ontological framework that redefines history's nature, time, causality, and human agency. The article then examines how a truly postliberal historiography reshapes the historical study of Christianity. Such an approach sees Christianity not as a historical phase to be outgrown but as a continuous and authoritative tradition integral to human history.

During the Cold War, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) conducted extensive surveillance of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), claiming to protect national security and prevent communist infiltration. Influenced by J. Edgar Hoover's personal biases against the civil rights movement, the FBI used methods such as wiretapping, infiltration, and psychological tactics. These surveillance operations had a considerable impact on the NAACP's operational dynamics, inducing psychological distress among its members and adversely affecting public perception. In response to the intensifying red scare, the NAACP adopted a pronounced anti-communist position. The FBI's surveillance not only squandered substantial resources within the US judicial system but also severely disrupted the internal functioning of the NAACP, tarnished its external reputation, and ultimately undermined its leadership role in the civil rights movement.

Expectations for the future infused 1950s culture. Drawing on the recent wartime past and the new Cold War, individuals and governments around the world imagined the years to come, anticipating both the unbounded potential and the terrifying problems that seemed just over the temporal horizon. The governments of East and West Germany became particularly invested in describing the better future and especially in trying to bring their visions to fruition. Despite claiming that they were embarking toward opposing futures of socialism and capitalism, the two states presented the future in similar ways. They focused on predictions that were concrete, achievable, and near at hand. Indeed, the future was so near that it was possible to point out some ways in which it was already present.

Jean-Baptiste Fressoz, François Jarrige, Thomas Le Roux, Corinne Marache, and Julien Vincent, La nature en révolution: Une histoire environnementale de la France, 1780–1870 (vol. 1). Paris: La Découverte, 2025. ISBN: 978-2-348-08438-6. 313 pp. 24€

Simon Porcher, La fin de l'eau? Paris: Fayard, 2024. ISBN : 978-2-213-72718-9. 298 pp. 21,50€

The articles in this volume revolve around movement: social, political, physical, spiritual, and intellectual. Some offer new modes of thinking about shifts in status—from colonial subject to state citizen; others ask about how we adapt to new languages, new ways of thinking, and new forms of artistic expression; while others explore the often-haunting experiences of hiding, dislocation, relocation, and migration (forced and voluntary). The authors examine catalysts in nineteenth and twentieth-century metropolitan and colonial France that shaped difficult decisions uniquely affecting Jews and Muslims to uproot and find means of belonging in new places, new social realities, and within different language communities. Catalysts triggering these movements of people included: changing laws and new legal restrictions, Nazi persecutions, transformations in geo-politics, or new aesthetic vocabularies. This volume offers students and readers new ways of approaching and understanding the constraints and opportunities that shaped Jewish and Muslim—individual and collective—decision-making from late-nineteenth to mid-twentieth-century metropolitan and colonial France.

The articles in this volume revolve around movement: social, political, physical, spiritual, and intellectual. Some offer new modes of thinking about shifts in status—from colonial subject to state citizen; others ask about how we adapt to new languages, new ways of thinking, and new forms of artistic expression; while others explore the often-haunting experiences of hiding, dislocation, relocation, and migration (forced and voluntary). The authors examine catalysts in nineteenth and twentieth-century metropolitan and colonial France that shaped difficult decisions uniquely affecting Jews and Muslims to uproot and find means of belonging in new places, new social realities, and within different language communities. Catalysts triggering these movements of people included: changing laws and new legal restrictions, Nazi persecutions, transformations in geo-politics, or new aesthetic vocabularies. This volume offers students and readers new ways of approaching and understanding the constraints and opportunities that shaped Jewish and Muslim—individual and collective—decision-making from late-nineteenth to mid-twentieth-century metropolitan and colonial France.

More than 150 years after its issuance and six decades since the mass departure of Algerian Jews from Algeria, the bestowal of French citizenship on Algerian Jews through the so-called Crémieux Decree remains one of the most heatedly debated episodes of Arab Jewish history. As historical study of Jewish life in the Arabic-speaking world comes increasingly under the pressure of utterances shaped by conflicts of the present, the degree, motivations and conditions of Algerian Jews’ choice when interacting with or participating in the French state are becoming increasingly hard to grasp and problematize. By deconstructing current narratives of pre-colonial shared worlds destroyed by divide-and-rule measures, this article revisits the question of choice in Jewish experiences of and responses to European colonialism.

The articles in this volume revolve around movement: social, political, physical, spiritual, and intellectual. Some offer new modes of thinking about shifts in status—from colonial subject to state citizen; others ask about how we adapt to new languages, new ways of thinking, and new forms of artistic expression; while others explore the often-haunting experiences of hiding, dislocation, relocation, and migration (forced and voluntary). The authors examine catalysts in nineteenth and twentieth-century metropolitan and colonial France that shaped difficult decisions uniquely affecting Jews and Muslims to uproot and find means of belonging in new places, new social realities, and within different language communities. Catalysts triggering these movements of people included: changing laws and new legal restrictions, Nazi persecutions, transformations in geo-politics, or new aesthetic vocabularies. This volume offers students and readers new ways of approaching and understanding the constraints and opportunities that shaped Jewish and Muslim—individual and collective—decision-making from late-nineteenth to mid-twentieth-century metropolitan and colonial France.

More than 150 years after its issuance and six decades since the mass departure of Algerian Jews from Algeria, the bestowal of French citizenship on Algerian Jews through the so-called Crémieux Decree remains one of the most heatedly debated episodes of Arab Jewish history. As historical study of Jewish life in the Arabic-speaking world comes increasingly under the pressure of utterances shaped by conflicts of the present, the degree, motivations and conditions of Algerian Jews’ choice when interacting with or participating in the French state are becoming increasingly hard to grasp and problematize. By deconstructing current narratives of pre-colonial shared worlds destroyed by divide-and-rule measures, this article revisits the question of choice in Jewish experiences of and responses to European colonialism.

Sheikh ͑Abd al-Ḥamīd Ben Bādīs (1889–1940), the most esteemed Islamic scholar (ālim) of interwar Algeria and leader of Algerian Salafist Islamic reform movement, had things to say about Jews and their relationship to Muslims. Writings published in his journal, al-Shihāb (The Meteor) surrounding several incidents of Muslim–Jewish violence in Algeria and Palestine reveal his dual understanding of Jews. He saw Jews as historically woven into the Islamic world—a protected, valued, and culturally vibrant community. But he cast modern-day Jews as a privileged, provocative, and threatening group. Read together, we see a critique of colonialism that he understood as having transformed Jews, derailing a previously harmonious coexistence. Notably, Britain and France's colonial policies had given privileges to Jews that were denied to Muslims, producing social unrest.

The articles in this volume revolve around movement: social, political, physical, spiritual, and intellectual. Some offer new modes of thinking about shifts in status—from colonial subject to state citizen; others ask about how we adapt to new languages, new ways of thinking, and new forms of artistic expression; while others explore the often-haunting experiences of hiding, dislocation, relocation, and migration (forced and voluntary). The authors examine catalysts in nineteenth and twentieth-century metropolitan and colonial France that shaped difficult decisions uniquely affecting Jews and Muslims to uproot and find means of belonging in new places, new social realities, and within different language communities. Catalysts triggering these movements of people included: changing laws and new legal restrictions, Nazi persecutions, transformations in geo-politics, or new aesthetic vocabularies. This volume offers students and readers new ways of approaching and understanding the constraints and opportunities that shaped Jewish and Muslim—individual and collective—decision-making from late-nineteenth to mid-twentieth-century metropolitan and colonial France.

More than 150 years after its issuance and six decades since the mass departure of Algerian Jews from Algeria, the bestowal of French citizenship on Algerian Jews through the so-called Crémieux Decree remains one of the most heatedly debated episodes of Arab Jewish history. As historical study of Jewish life in the Arabic-speaking world comes increasingly under the pressure of utterances shaped by conflicts of the present, the degree, motivations and conditions of Algerian Jews’ choice when interacting with or participating in the French state are becoming increasingly hard to grasp and problematize. By deconstructing current narratives of pre-colonial shared worlds destroyed by divide-and-rule measures, this article revisits the question of choice in Jewish experiences of and responses to European colonialism.

Sheikh ͑Abd al-Ḥamīd Ben Bādīs (1889–1940), the most esteemed Islamic scholar (ālim) of interwar Algeria and leader of Algerian Salafist Islamic reform movement, had things to say about Jews and their relationship to Muslims. Writings published in his journal, al-Shihāb (The Meteor) surrounding several incidents of Muslim–Jewish violence in Algeria and Palestine reveal his dual understanding of Jews. He saw Jews as historically woven into the Islamic world—a protected, valued, and culturally vibrant community. But he cast modern-day Jews as a privileged, provocative, and threatening group. Read together, we see a critique of colonialism that he understood as having transformed Jews, derailing a previously harmonious coexistence. Notably, Britain and France's colonial policies had given privileges to Jews that were denied to Muslims, producing social unrest.

At the intersection of Holocaust and World War II studies, a systematic and comparative analysis of Jews’ behaviors in Western Europe remains underexplored. This brief article proposes a methodological framework for studying choices between 1940 and 1945, focusing on the experiences of two Jewish women who survived in Vichy France. Drawing on concepts from French cultural history, I argue for a shift from “survival” as an outcome to “surviving” as a social process, which reframes agency by focusing on intent, process, and wartime perceptions. Ultimately, the article challenges binary frameworks of resistance and compliance, calling for a dynamic and contextualized approach to wartime decision-making.

The articles in this volume revolve around movement: social, political, physical, spiritual, and intellectual. Some offer new modes of thinking about shifts in status—from colonial subject to state citizen; others ask about how we adapt to new languages, new ways of thinking, and new forms of artistic expression; while others explore the often-haunting experiences of hiding, dislocation, relocation, and migration (forced and voluntary). The authors examine catalysts in nineteenth and twentieth-century metropolitan and colonial France that shaped difficult decisions uniquely affecting Jews and Muslims to uproot and find means of belonging in new places, new social realities, and within different language communities. Catalysts triggering these movements of people included: changing laws and new legal restrictions, Nazi persecutions, transformations in geo-politics, or new aesthetic vocabularies. This volume offers students and readers new ways of approaching and understanding the constraints and opportunities that shaped Jewish and Muslim—individual and collective—decision-making from late-nineteenth to mid-twentieth-century metropolitan and colonial France.

More than 150 years after its issuance and six decades since the mass departure of Algerian Jews from Algeria, the bestowal of French citizenship on Algerian Jews through the so-called Crémieux Decree remains one of the most heatedly debated episodes of Arab Jewish history. As historical study of Jewish life in the Arabic-speaking world comes increasingly under the pressure of utterances shaped by conflicts of the present, the degree, motivations and conditions of Algerian Jews’ choice when interacting with or participating in the French state are becoming increasingly hard to grasp and problematize. By deconstructing current narratives of pre-colonial shared worlds destroyed by divide-and-rule measures, this article revisits the question of choice in Jewish experiences of and responses to European colonialism.

Sheikh ͑Abd al-Ḥamīd Ben Bādīs (1889–1940), the most esteemed Islamic scholar (ālim) of interwar Algeria and leader of Algerian Salafist Islamic reform movement, had things to say about Jews and their relationship to Muslims. Writings published in his journal, al-Shihāb (The Meteor) surrounding several incidents of Muslim–Jewish violence in Algeria and Palestine reveal his dual understanding of Jews. He saw Jews as historically woven into the Islamic world—a protected, valued, and culturally vibrant community. But he cast modern-day Jews as a privileged, provocative, and threatening group. Read together, we see a critique of colonialism that he understood as having transformed Jews, derailing a previously harmonious coexistence. Notably, Britain and France's colonial policies had given privileges to Jews that were denied to Muslims, producing social unrest.

At the intersection of Holocaust and World War II studies, a systematic and comparative analysis of Jews’ behaviors in Western Europe remains underexplored. This brief article proposes a methodological framework for studying choices between 1940 and 1945, focusing on the experiences of two Jewish women who survived in Vichy France. Drawing on concepts from French cultural history, I argue for a shift from “survival” as an outcome to “surviving” as a social process, which reframes agency by focusing on intent, process, and wartime perceptions. Ultimately, the article challenges binary frameworks of resistance and compliance, calling for a dynamic and contextualized approach to wartime decision-making.

This article focuses on the work of Ilse Bing, a German Jewish photographer who immigrated to Paris in 1930, was interned in the Gurs camp, and then escaped to New York via Marseille in 1941. In particular, it focuses on three of her self-portraits from 1913 to 1952 to study the development of her practice in photography and self-representation as a child and then an avant-garde woman photographer, depicting Jewishness as both beyond the frame and a crucial part of her trajectory. Finally, the article looks to a counter- example in a wartime identity photograph in Bing's immigration papers, which do not allow for any identity beyond their frame.

The articles in this volume revolve around movement: social, political, physical, spiritual, and intellectual. Some offer new modes of thinking about shifts in status—from colonial subject to state citizen; others ask about how we adapt to new languages, new ways of thinking, and new forms of artistic expression; while others explore the often-haunting experiences of hiding, dislocation, relocation, and migration (forced and voluntary). The authors examine catalysts in nineteenth and twentieth-century metropolitan and colonial France that shaped difficult decisions uniquely affecting Jews and Muslims to uproot and find means of belonging in new places, new social realities, and within different language communities. Catalysts triggering these movements of people included: changing laws and new legal restrictions, Nazi persecutions, transformations in geo-politics, or new aesthetic vocabularies. This volume offers students and readers new ways of approaching and understanding the constraints and opportunities that shaped Jewish and Muslim—individual and collective—decision-making from late-nineteenth to mid-twentieth-century metropolitan and colonial France.

More than 150 years after its issuance and six decades since the mass departure of Algerian Jews from Algeria, the bestowal of French citizenship on Algerian Jews through the so-called Crémieux Decree remains one of the most heatedly debated episodes of Arab Jewish history. As historical study of Jewish life in the Arabic-speaking world comes increasingly under the pressure of utterances shaped by conflicts of the present, the degree, motivations and conditions of Algerian Jews’ choice when interacting with or participating in the French state are becoming increasingly hard to grasp and problematize. By deconstructing current narratives of pre-colonial shared worlds destroyed by divide-and-rule measures, this article revisits the question of choice in Jewish experiences of and responses to European colonialism.

Sheikh ͑Abd al-Ḥamīd Ben Bādīs (1889–1940), the most esteemed Islamic scholar (ālim) of interwar Algeria and leader of Algerian Salafist Islamic reform movement, had things to say about Jews and their relationship to Muslims. Writings published in his journal, al-Shihāb (The Meteor) surrounding several incidents of Muslim–Jewish violence in Algeria and Palestine reveal his dual understanding of Jews. He saw Jews as historically woven into the Islamic world—a protected, valued, and culturally vibrant community. But he cast modern-day Jews as a privileged, provocative, and threatening group. Read together, we see a critique of colonialism that he understood as having transformed Jews, derailing a previously harmonious coexistence. Notably, Britain and France's colonial policies had given privileges to Jews that were denied to Muslims, producing social unrest.

At the intersection of Holocaust and World War II studies, a systematic and comparative analysis of Jews’ behaviors in Western Europe remains underexplored. This brief article proposes a methodological framework for studying choices between 1940 and 1945, focusing on the experiences of two Jewish women who survived in Vichy France. Drawing on concepts from French cultural history, I argue for a shift from “survival” as an outcome to “surviving” as a social process, which reframes agency by focusing on intent, process, and wartime perceptions. Ultimately, the article challenges binary frameworks of resistance and compliance, calling for a dynamic and contextualized approach to wartime decision-making.

This article focuses on the work of Ilse Bing, a German Jewish photographer who immigrated to Paris in 1930, was interned in the Gurs camp, and then escaped to New York via Marseille in 1941. In particular, it focuses on three of her self-portraits from 1913 to 1952 to study the development of her practice in photography and self-representation as a child and then an avant-garde woman photographer, depicting Jewishness as both beyond the frame and a crucial part of her trajectory. Finally, the article looks to a counter- example in a wartime identity photograph in Bing's immigration papers, which do not allow for any identity beyond their frame.

Focusing on Jewish child refugees from Central Europe in France and the United States, this article explores the question of language. What does it mean to migrate as a child, alone, and to be forced to adapt to a new language, during and in the aftermath of the Holocaust? Based on ego-documents and oral history interviews, this article questions to what extent the children noticed their passage from one linguistic world to another, and if so, how they discussed it and what they deemed important about it. The article argues that the children were aware of the problems associated with life in a new language. A struggle to communicate plagued postwar encounters with rare surviving family members. The children's observations on language are thus often always a means of alluding to deeper issues of identity and loss.

The articles in this volume revolve around movement: social, political, physical, spiritual, and intellectual. Some offer new modes of thinking about shifts in status—from colonial subject to state citizen; others ask about how we adapt to new languages, new ways of thinking, and new forms of artistic expression; while others explore the often-haunting experiences of hiding, dislocation, relocation, and migration (forced and voluntary). The authors examine catalysts in nineteenth and twentieth-century metropolitan and colonial France that shaped difficult decisions uniquely affecting Jews and Muslims to uproot and find means of belonging in new places, new social realities, and within different language communities. Catalysts triggering these movements of people included: changing laws and new legal restrictions, Nazi persecutions, transformations in geo-politics, or new aesthetic vocabularies. This volume offers students and readers new ways of approaching and understanding the constraints and opportunities that shaped Jewish and Muslim—individual and collective—decision-making from late-nineteenth to mid-twentieth-century metropolitan and colonial France.

More than 150 years after its issuance and six decades since the mass departure of Algerian Jews from Algeria, the bestowal of French citizenship on Algerian Jews through the so-called Crémieux Decree remains one of the most heatedly debated episodes of Arab Jewish history. As historical study of Jewish life in the Arabic-speaking world comes increasingly under the pressure of utterances shaped by conflicts of the present, the degree, motivations and conditions of Algerian Jews’ choice when interacting with or participating in the French state are becoming increasingly hard to grasp and problematize. By deconstructing current narratives of pre-colonial shared worlds destroyed by divide-and-rule measures, this article revisits the question of choice in Jewish experiences of and responses to European colonialism.

Sheikh ͑Abd al-Ḥamīd Ben Bādīs (1889–1940), the most esteemed Islamic scholar (ālim) of interwar Algeria and leader of Algerian Salafist Islamic reform movement, had things to say about Jews and their relationship to Muslims. Writings published in his journal, al-Shihāb (The Meteor) surrounding several incidents of Muslim–Jewish violence in Algeria and Palestine reveal his dual understanding of Jews. He saw Jews as historically woven into the Islamic world—a protected, valued, and culturally vibrant community. But he cast modern-day Jews as a privileged, provocative, and threatening group. Read together, we see a critique of colonialism that he understood as having transformed Jews, derailing a previously harmonious coexistence. Notably, Britain and France's colonial policies had given privileges to Jews that were denied to Muslims, producing social unrest.

At the intersection of Holocaust and World War II studies, a systematic and comparative analysis of Jews’ behaviors in Western Europe remains underexplored. This brief article proposes a methodological framework for studying choices between 1940 and 1945, focusing on the experiences of two Jewish women who survived in Vichy France. Drawing on concepts from French cultural history, I argue for a shift from “survival” as an outcome to “surviving” as a social process, which reframes agency by focusing on intent, process, and wartime perceptions. Ultimately, the article challenges binary frameworks of resistance and compliance, calling for a dynamic and contextualized approach to wartime decision-making.

This article focuses on the work of Ilse Bing, a German Jewish photographer who immigrated to Paris in 1930, was interned in the Gurs camp, and then escaped to New York via Marseille in 1941. In particular, it focuses on three of her self-portraits from 1913 to 1952 to study the development of her practice in photography and self-representation as a child and then an avant-garde woman photographer, depicting Jewishness as both beyond the frame and a crucial part of her trajectory. Finally, the article looks to a counter- example in a wartime identity photograph in Bing's immigration papers, which do not allow for any identity beyond their frame.

Focusing on Jewish child refugees from Central Europe in France and the United States, this article explores the question of language. What does it mean to migrate as a child, alone, and to be forced to adapt to a new language, during and in the aftermath of the Holocaust? Based on ego-documents and oral history interviews, this article questions to what extent the children noticed their passage from one linguistic world to another, and if so, how they discussed it and what they deemed important about it. The article argues that the children were aware of the problems associated with life in a new language. A struggle to communicate plagued postwar encounters with rare surviving family members. The children's observations on language are thus often always a means of alluding to deeper issues of identity and loss.

This article examines the earliest moments of North African Jews’ arrival in France after 1945, focusing on the attitudes and dialogues within Jewish aid organizations. It highlights postwar Jewish identities in France and illustrates that late-nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century categorizations of who belonged had not significantly changed, despite the ruptures of the Holocaust and World War II. While it may be tempting to argue that, in the wake of the Holocaust, Jewish communities in France would freely welcome their coreligionists from North Africa, the reality was more complex. Longstanding categories of difference, once applied to Eastern and Central European Jews seeking refuge in France, were reframed within a colonial context, influencing how Jewish aid organizations perceived and assisted Jews from Morocco, Tunisia, and Algeria.

The articles in this volume revolve around movement: social, political, physical, spiritual, and intellectual. Some offer new modes of thinking about shifts in status—from colonial subject to state citizen; others ask about how we adapt to new languages, new ways of thinking, and new forms of artistic expression; while others explore the often-haunting experiences of hiding, dislocation, relocation, and migration (forced and voluntary). The authors examine catalysts in nineteenth and twentieth-century metropolitan and colonial France that shaped difficult decisions uniquely affecting Jews and Muslims to uproot and find means of belonging in new places, new social realities, and within different language communities. Catalysts triggering these movements of people included: changing laws and new legal restrictions, Nazi persecutions, transformations in geo-politics, or new aesthetic vocabularies. This volume offers students and readers new ways of approaching and understanding the constraints and opportunities that shaped Jewish and Muslim—individual and collective—decision-making from late-nineteenth to mid-twentieth-century metropolitan and colonial France.

More than 150 years after its issuance and six decades since the mass departure of Algerian Jews from Algeria, the bestowal of French citizenship on Algerian Jews through the so-called Crémieux Decree remains one of the most heatedly debated episodes of Arab Jewish history. As historical study of Jewish life in the Arabic-speaking world comes increasingly under the pressure of utterances shaped by conflicts of the present, the degree, motivations and conditions of Algerian Jews’ choice when interacting with or participating in the French state are becoming increasingly hard to grasp and problematize. By deconstructing current narratives of pre-colonial shared worlds destroyed by divide-and-rule measures, this article revisits the question of choice in Jewish experiences of and responses to European colonialism.

Sheikh ͑Abd al-Ḥamīd Ben Bādīs (1889–1940), the most esteemed Islamic scholar (ālim) of interwar Algeria and leader of Algerian Salafist Islamic reform movement, had things to say about Jews and their relationship to Muslims. Writings published in his journal, al-Shihāb (The Meteor) surrounding several incidents of Muslim–Jewish violence in Algeria and Palestine reveal his dual understanding of Jews. He saw Jews as historically woven into the Islamic world—a protected, valued, and culturally vibrant community. But he cast modern-day Jews as a privileged, provocative, and threatening group. Read together, we see a critique of colonialism that he understood as having transformed Jews, derailing a previously harmonious coexistence. Notably, Britain and France's colonial policies had given privileges to Jews that were denied to Muslims, producing social unrest.

At the intersection of Holocaust and World War II studies, a systematic and comparative analysis of Jews’ behaviors in Western Europe remains underexplored. This brief article proposes a methodological framework for studying choices between 1940 and 1945, focusing on the experiences of two Jewish women who survived in Vichy France. Drawing on concepts from French cultural history, I argue for a shift from “survival” as an outcome to “surviving” as a social process, which reframes agency by focusing on intent, process, and wartime perceptions. Ultimately, the article challenges binary frameworks of resistance and compliance, calling for a dynamic and contextualized approach to wartime decision-making.

This article focuses on the work of Ilse Bing, a German Jewish photographer who immigrated to Paris in 1930, was interned in the Gurs camp, and then escaped to New York via Marseille in 1941. In particular, it focuses on three of her self-portraits from 1913 to 1952 to study the development of her practice in photography and self-representation as a child and then an avant-garde woman photographer, depicting Jewishness as both beyond the frame and a crucial part of her trajectory. Finally, the article looks to a counter- example in a wartime identity photograph in Bing's immigration papers, which do not allow for any identity beyond their frame.

Focusing on Jewish child refugees from Central Europe in France and the United States, this article explores the question of language. What does it mean to migrate as a child, alone, and to be forced to adapt to a new language, during and in the aftermath of the Holocaust? Based on ego-documents and oral history interviews, this article questions to what extent the children noticed their passage from one linguistic world to another, and if so, how they discussed it and what they deemed important about it. The article argues that the children were aware of the problems associated with life in a new language. A struggle to communicate plagued postwar encounters with rare surviving family members. The children's observations on language are thus often always a means of alluding to deeper issues of identity and loss.

This article examines the earliest moments of North African Jews’ arrival in France after 1945, focusing on the attitudes and dialogues within Jewish aid organizations. It highlights postwar Jewish identities in France and illustrates that late-nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century categorizations of who belonged had not significantly changed, despite the ruptures of the Holocaust and World War II. While it may be tempting to argue that, in the wake of the Holocaust, Jewish communities in France would freely welcome their coreligionists from North Africa, the reality was more complex. Longstanding categories of difference, once applied to Eastern and Central European Jews seeking refuge in France, were reframed within a colonial context, influencing how Jewish aid organizations perceived and assisted Jews from Morocco, Tunisia, and Algeria.

This article draws on original interviews with Jews who attended the schools of the Alliance Israélite Universelle in Morocco and Tunisia and subsequently immigrated to France. Building on recent approaches to Jewish migration history that move beyond persecution narratives as the primary motive for emigration, incorporate network analysis, and recognize agency in how and why people decide to emigrate to one place rather than another, it enriches our understanding of the how and why of the post-1948 Jewish departure from the Muslim world. As the interviewees’ departure narratives well demonstrate, political pressure points and personal circumstances combined with long-range economic, cultural, and educational forces to draw them from the Maghreb to France over the course of the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s.

The articles in this volume revolve around movement: social, political, physical, spiritual, and intellectual. Some offer new modes of thinking about shifts in status—from colonial subject to state citizen; others ask about how we adapt to new languages, new ways of thinking, and new forms of artistic expression; while others explore the often-haunting experiences of hiding, dislocation, relocation, and migration (forced and voluntary). The authors examine catalysts in nineteenth and twentieth-century metropolitan and colonial France that shaped difficult decisions uniquely affecting Jews and Muslims to uproot and find means of belonging in new places, new social realities, and within different language communities. Catalysts triggering these movements of people included: changing laws and new legal restrictions, Nazi persecutions, transformations in geo-politics, or new aesthetic vocabularies. This volume offers students and readers new ways of approaching and understanding the constraints and opportunities that shaped Jewish and Muslim—individual and collective—decision-making from late-nineteenth to mid-twentieth-century metropolitan and colonial France.

More than 150 years after its issuance and six decades since the mass departure of Algerian Jews from Algeria, the bestowal of French citizenship on Algerian Jews through the so-called Crémieux Decree remains one of the most heatedly debated episodes of Arab Jewish history. As historical study of Jewish life in the Arabic-speaking world comes increasingly under the pressure of utterances shaped by conflicts of the present, the degree, motivations and conditions of Algerian Jews’ choice when interacting with or participating in the French state are becoming increasingly hard to grasp and problematize. By deconstructing current narratives of pre-colonial shared worlds destroyed by divide-and-rule measures, this article revisits the question of choice in Jewish experiences of and responses to European colonialism.

Sheikh ͑Abd al-Ḥamīd Ben Bādīs (1889–1940), the most esteemed Islamic scholar (ālim) of interwar Algeria and leader of Algerian Salafist Islamic reform movement, had things to say about Jews and their relationship to Muslims. Writings published in his journal, al-Shihāb (The Meteor) surrounding several incidents of Muslim–Jewish violence in Algeria and Palestine reveal his dual understanding of Jews. He saw Jews as historically woven into the Islamic world—a protected, valued, and culturally vibrant community. But he cast modern-day Jews as a privileged, provocative, and threatening group. Read together, we see a critique of colonialism that he understood as having transformed Jews, derailing a previously harmonious coexistence. Notably, Britain and France's colonial policies had given privileges to Jews that were denied to Muslims, producing social unrest.

At the intersection of Holocaust and World War II studies, a systematic and comparative analysis of Jews’ behaviors in Western Europe remains underexplored. This brief article proposes a methodological framework for studying choices between 1940 and 1945, focusing on the experiences of two Jewish women who survived in Vichy France. Drawing on concepts from French cultural history, I argue for a shift from “survival” as an outcome to “surviving” as a social process, which reframes agency by focusing on intent, process, and wartime perceptions. Ultimately, the article challenges binary frameworks of resistance and compliance, calling for a dynamic and contextualized approach to wartime decision-making.

This article focuses on the work of Ilse Bing, a German Jewish photographer who immigrated to Paris in 1930, was interned in the Gurs camp, and then escaped to New York via Marseille in 1941. In particular, it focuses on three of her self-portraits from 1913 to 1952 to study the development of her practice in photography and self-representation as a child and then an avant-garde woman photographer, depicting Jewishness as both beyond the frame and a crucial part of her trajectory. Finally, the article looks to a counter- example in a wartime identity photograph in Bing's immigration papers, which do not allow for any identity beyond their frame.

Focusing on Jewish child refugees from Central Europe in France and the United States, this article explores the question of language. What does it mean to migrate as a child, alone, and to be forced to adapt to a new language, during and in the aftermath of the Holocaust? Based on ego-documents and oral history interviews, this article questions to what extent the children noticed their passage from one linguistic world to another, and if so, how they discussed it and what they deemed important about it. The article argues that the children were aware of the problems associated with life in a new language. A struggle to communicate plagued postwar encounters with rare surviving family members. The children's observations on language are thus often always a means of alluding to deeper issues of identity and loss.

This article examines the earliest moments of North African Jews’ arrival in France after 1945, focusing on the attitudes and dialogues within Jewish aid organizations. It highlights postwar Jewish identities in France and illustrates that late-nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century categorizations of who belonged had not significantly changed, despite the ruptures of the Holocaust and World War II. While it may be tempting to argue that, in the wake of the Holocaust, Jewish communities in France would freely welcome their coreligionists from North Africa, the reality was more complex. Longstanding categories of difference, once applied to Eastern and Central European Jews seeking refuge in France, were reframed within a colonial context, influencing how Jewish aid organizations perceived and assisted Jews from Morocco, Tunisia, and Algeria.

This article draws on original interviews with Jews who attended the schools of the Alliance Israélite Universelle in Morocco and Tunisia and subsequently immigrated to France. Building on recent approaches to Jewish migration history that move beyond persecution narratives as the primary motive for emigration, incorporate network analysis, and recognize agency in how and why people decide to emigrate to one place rather than another, it enriches our understanding of the how and why of the post-1948 Jewish departure from the Muslim world. As the interviewees’ departure narratives well demonstrate, political pressure points and personal circumstances combined with long-range economic, cultural, and educational forces to draw them from the Maghreb to France over the course of the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s.

This article examines the lives, philosophies, and wartime/postwar activism of Edmond Fleg (1874–1963) and Vladimir Jankélévitch (1903–1985), two Jewish intellectuals in twentieth-century France deeply influenced by Henri Bergson's philosophy of time, creativity, and hope. Both Fleg and Jankélévitch were active in the Resistance during World War II. Fleg taught clandestine classes for Jewish youth that promoted pluralism as a strength within the Jewish community and beyond. Jankélévitch wrote anti-fascist works for underground publications and shifted to a deeper engagement with Jewish themes, especially related to messianism and moral responsibility. After the war, Fleg supported the nascent State of Israel while also focusing on the need to nurture diasporic Jewish culture. Jankélévitch balanced loyalty to Israel's existence with the readiness to critique its policies, especially after the 1982 Lebanon invasion, advocating for mutual recognition between Israelis and Palestinians. Fleg and Jankélévitch model engaged, pluralistic Jewishness grounded in ethical action, intellectual rigor, and openness to change. Their work encourages holding multiple truths in tension—valuing both Jewish particularity and a deep compassion for humanity—and confronting moral crises through study, dialogue, and activism.

The special issue “Quantifying the English Archive: Interdisciplinary Perspectives on the Administrative and Social Histories of Medieval England” showcases recent developments in the application of quantitative and digital methodologies to medieval administrative records. This introduction provides a brief overview of scholarship from the last fifty years that used numerical data derived from written texts to reveal new information about daily life in medieval England. It then summarizes the major findings and contributions of the six articles in the issue, each of which employs quantitative analysis of archival records to study previously under-explored communities, places, and institutions.

The special issue “Quantifying the English Archive: Interdisciplinary Perspectives on the Administrative and Social Histories of Medieval England” showcases recent developments in the application of quantitative and digital methodologies to medieval administrative records. This introduction provides a brief overview of scholarship from the last fifty years that used numerical data derived from written texts to reveal new information about daily life in medieval England. It then summarizes the major findings and contributions of the six articles in the issue, each of which employs quantitative analysis of archival records to study previously under-explored communities, places, and institutions.

Following the Fourth Lateran Council, the Benedictine Order became increasingly centralized. Individual houses, however, maintained a strong sense of their own privileges and identity as independent communities. The tension between communal autonomy and the enforcement of canon law was exhibited and tested in the process of abbatial election. This article takes as a case study the diocese of Lincoln, England's largest medieval diocese, which offers the largest sample of Benedictine monastic superiors. Using episcopal registers alongside monastic cartularies and customaries, it examines the process and significance of the election of monastic superiors. The article also seeks to integrate the study of male and female monasteries and to study relationships between individual houses and both secular and ecclesiastical hierarchies. The research findings come from the author's database of all known monastic superiors of independent Benedictine houses in the diocese of Lincoln from 1183–1340.

The special issue “Quantifying the English Archive: Interdisciplinary Perspectives on the Administrative and Social Histories of Medieval England” showcases recent developments in the application of quantitative and digital methodologies to medieval administrative records. This introduction provides a brief overview of scholarship from the last fifty years that used numerical data derived from written texts to reveal new information about daily life in medieval England. It then summarizes the major findings and contributions of the six articles in the issue, each of which employs quantitative analysis of archival records to study previously under-explored communities, places, and institutions.

Following the Fourth Lateran Council, the Benedictine Order became increasingly centralized. Individual houses, however, maintained a strong sense of their own privileges and identity as independent communities. The tension between communal autonomy and the enforcement of canon law was exhibited and tested in the process of abbatial election. This article takes as a case study the diocese of Lincoln, England's largest medieval diocese, which offers the largest sample of Benedictine monastic superiors. Using episcopal registers alongside monastic cartularies and customaries, it examines the process and significance of the election of monastic superiors. The article also seeks to integrate the study of male and female monasteries and to study relationships between individual houses and both secular and ecclesiastical hierarchies. The research findings come from the author's database of all known monastic superiors of independent Benedictine houses in the diocese of Lincoln from 1183–1340.

Convocation was the assembly of the clergy of medieval England and Wales and met from the late 1280s until the seventeenth century (before a rebirth in the nineteenth century). Economic historians have largely examined Convocation as a rubber stamp for stand-alone tax requests by the English kings or focused on small groupings of these demands—an examination of these requests and the evolution of how they were handled by the members of Convocation has not been covered. In this article, tax subsidy requests by the kings to Convocation are examined across three centuries in conjunction with clerical petitions to the monarchy allowing us to determine trends, including how the clergy went from ignoring requests to granting them with conditions. By placing these requests in their situational context, we can trace the efforts for self-rule and autonomy by the English clergy in the later Middle Ages.

The special issue “Quantifying the English Archive: Interdisciplinary Perspectives on the Administrative and Social Histories of Medieval England” showcases recent developments in the application of quantitative and digital methodologies to medieval administrative records. This introduction provides a brief overview of scholarship from the last fifty years that used numerical data derived from written texts to reveal new information about daily life in medieval England. It then summarizes the major findings and contributions of the six articles in the issue, each of which employs quantitative analysis of archival records to study previously under-explored communities, places, and institutions.

Following the Fourth Lateran Council, the Benedictine Order became increasingly centralized. Individual houses, however, maintained a strong sense of their own privileges and identity as independent communities. The tension between communal autonomy and the enforcement of canon law was exhibited and tested in the process of abbatial election. This article takes as a case study the diocese of Lincoln, England's largest medieval diocese, which offers the largest sample of Benedictine monastic superiors. Using episcopal registers alongside monastic cartularies and customaries, it examines the process and significance of the election of monastic superiors. The article also seeks to integrate the study of male and female monasteries and to study relationships between individual houses and both secular and ecclesiastical hierarchies. The research findings come from the author's database of all known monastic superiors of independent Benedictine houses in the diocese of Lincoln from 1183–1340.

Convocation was the assembly of the clergy of medieval England and Wales and met from the late 1280s until the seventeenth century (before a rebirth in the nineteenth century). Economic historians have largely examined Convocation as a rubber stamp for stand-alone tax requests by the English kings or focused on small groupings of these demands—an examination of these requests and the evolution of how they were handled by the members of Convocation has not been covered. In this article, tax subsidy requests by the kings to Convocation are examined across three centuries in conjunction with clerical petitions to the monarchy allowing us to determine trends, including how the clergy went from ignoring requests to granting them with conditions. By placing these requests in their situational context, we can trace the efforts for self-rule and autonomy by the English clergy in the later Middle Ages.

English campaigns in France during the Hundred Years War were military operations and significant governmental undertakings. The monarchy needed to mobilize and deploy men, animals, and equipment across the Channel to wage war in France. Once assembled, the English army employed a complex administrative system to ensure its soldiers were funded and resourced, leaving records of financial expenditures. The often-cited Vadia Guerre (War Wages) represented one section of the military finances for such English campaigns. This article presents a snapshot of English efforts to wage war during King Edward III's final campaign in France, culminating in the Treaty of Brétigny in 1360. It utilizes a database to track the names, numbers, and payments of various English troops and subsidies for expenses. It then uses the categories of newly created knights and combat support personnel to highlight the challenges of employing administrative records in such research and complicate our understanding of service and military-financial compensation in the fourteenth century.

The special issue “Quantifying the English Archive: Interdisciplinary Perspectives on the Administrative and Social Histories of Medieval England” showcases recent developments in the application of quantitative and digital methodologies to medieval administrative records. This introduction provides a brief overview of scholarship from the last fifty years that used numerical data derived from written texts to reveal new information about daily life in medieval England. It then summarizes the major findings and contributions of the six articles in the issue, each of which employs quantitative analysis of archival records to study previously under-explored communities, places, and institutions.

Following the Fourth Lateran Council, the Benedictine Order became increasingly centralized. Individual houses, however, maintained a strong sense of their own privileges and identity as independent communities. The tension between communal autonomy and the enforcement of canon law was exhibited and tested in the process of abbatial election. This article takes as a case study the diocese of Lincoln, England's largest medieval diocese, which offers the largest sample of Benedictine monastic superiors. Using episcopal registers alongside monastic cartularies and customaries, it examines the process and significance of the election of monastic superiors. The article also seeks to integrate the study of male and female monasteries and to study relationships between individual houses and both secular and ecclesiastical hierarchies. The research findings come from the author's database of all known monastic superiors of independent Benedictine houses in the diocese of Lincoln from 1183–1340.

Convocation was the assembly of the clergy of medieval England and Wales and met from the late 1280s until the seventeenth century (before a rebirth in the nineteenth century). Economic historians have largely examined Convocation as a rubber stamp for stand-alone tax requests by the English kings or focused on small groupings of these demands—an examination of these requests and the evolution of how they were handled by the members of Convocation has not been covered. In this article, tax subsidy requests by the kings to Convocation are examined across three centuries in conjunction with clerical petitions to the monarchy allowing us to determine trends, including how the clergy went from ignoring requests to granting them with conditions. By placing these requests in their situational context, we can trace the efforts for self-rule and autonomy by the English clergy in the later Middle Ages.

English campaigns in France during the Hundred Years War were military operations and significant governmental undertakings. The monarchy needed to mobilize and deploy men, animals, and equipment across the Channel to wage war in France. Once assembled, the English army employed a complex administrative system to ensure its soldiers were funded and resourced, leaving records of financial expenditures. The often-cited Vadia Guerre (War Wages) represented one section of the military finances for such English campaigns. This article presents a snapshot of English efforts to wage war during King Edward III's final campaign in France, culminating in the Treaty of Brétigny in 1360. It utilizes a database to track the names, numbers, and payments of various English troops and subsidies for expenses. It then uses the categories of newly created knights and combat support personnel to highlight the challenges of employing administrative records in such research and complicate our understanding of service and military-financial compensation in the fourteenth century.

Medieval Romney Marsh, a system of wetlands in southeast England, was a valuable landscape—densely settled and agriculturally productive. At the same time, however it was environmentally vulnerable to the series of crises associated with the end of the Medieval Climate Anomaly: flooding, famine, and disease-induced demographic collapse and labor shortages. A marsh government, designed to maintain the Romney Marsh sea defenses, conducted a series of detailed tax assessments across the Marsh between the mid-thirteenth and late fourteenth century, bridging this period of transition. These assessments offer an invaluable window into the intersection of environmental stress and the Marsh's social structure, revealing both a surprising resilience in the tenant sector and the vulnerability of demesne grain farms.

The special issue “Quantifying the English Archive: Interdisciplinary Perspectives on the Administrative and Social Histories of Medieval England” showcases recent developments in the application of quantitative and digital methodologies to medieval administrative records. This introduction provides a brief overview of scholarship from the last fifty years that used numerical data derived from written texts to reveal new information about daily life in medieval England. It then summarizes the major findings and contributions of the six articles in the issue, each of which employs quantitative analysis of archival records to study previously under-explored communities, places, and institutions.

Following the Fourth Lateran Council, the Benedictine Order became increasingly centralized. Individual houses, however, maintained a strong sense of their own privileges and identity as independent communities. The tension between communal autonomy and the enforcement of canon law was exhibited and tested in the process of abbatial election. This article takes as a case study the diocese of Lincoln, England's largest medieval diocese, which offers the largest sample of Benedictine monastic superiors. Using episcopal registers alongside monastic cartularies and customaries, it examines the process and significance of the election of monastic superiors. The article also seeks to integrate the study of male and female monasteries and to study relationships between individual houses and both secular and ecclesiastical hierarchies. The research findings come from the author's database of all known monastic superiors of independent Benedictine houses in the diocese of Lincoln from 1183–1340.

Convocation was the assembly of the clergy of medieval England and Wales and met from the late 1280s until the seventeenth century (before a rebirth in the nineteenth century). Economic historians have largely examined Convocation as a rubber stamp for stand-alone tax requests by the English kings or focused on small groupings of these demands—an examination of these requests and the evolution of how they were handled by the members of Convocation has not been covered. In this article, tax subsidy requests by the kings to Convocation are examined across three centuries in conjunction with clerical petitions to the monarchy allowing us to determine trends, including how the clergy went from ignoring requests to granting them with conditions. By placing these requests in their situational context, we can trace the efforts for self-rule and autonomy by the English clergy in the later Middle Ages.

English campaigns in France during the Hundred Years War were military operations and significant governmental undertakings. The monarchy needed to mobilize and deploy men, animals, and equipment across the Channel to wage war in France. Once assembled, the English army employed a complex administrative system to ensure its soldiers were funded and resourced, leaving records of financial expenditures. The often-cited Vadia Guerre (War Wages) represented one section of the military finances for such English campaigns. This article presents a snapshot of English efforts to wage war during King Edward III's final campaign in France, culminating in the Treaty of Brétigny in 1360. It utilizes a database to track the names, numbers, and payments of various English troops and subsidies for expenses. It then uses the categories of newly created knights and combat support personnel to highlight the challenges of employing administrative records in such research and complicate our understanding of service and military-financial compensation in the fourteenth century.

Medieval Romney Marsh, a system of wetlands in southeast England, was a valuable landscape—densely settled and agriculturally productive. At the same time, however it was environmentally vulnerable to the series of crises associated with the end of the Medieval Climate Anomaly: flooding, famine, and disease-induced demographic collapse and labor shortages. A marsh government, designed to maintain the Romney Marsh sea defenses, conducted a series of detailed tax assessments across the Marsh between the mid-thirteenth and late fourteenth century, bridging this period of transition. These assessments offer an invaluable window into the intersection of environmental stress and the Marsh's social structure, revealing both a surprising resilience in the tenant sector and the vulnerability of demesne grain farms.

Medieval ladies-in-waiting were sophisticated players who earned significant rewards and engaged in power politics. This article quantifies and visualizes how female attendants accessed royal power and influence during the reign of Elizabeth of York (d. 1503), consort of Henry VII (r. 1485–1509). Using prosopographical techniques to build a collective biography of Elizabeth's highborn servants, analyzed with three related Microsoft Access databases, the investigation uncovered over 350 references to their activities. Employing Net.Create software and techniques of network analysis, this study contextualizes both their duties and their rewards. Visually representing proximity to the monarch reveals, beyond anecdotes, how rulers relied upon some ladies-in-waiting more than others. Informed by gender studies, this article supports recent queen-focused analyses of female power that have sought to challenge the long-standing narrative that male-dominated monarchy excluded female participation and access to power by revealing the prominence and activities of female courtiers in late medieval England.

The special issue “Quantifying the English Archive: Interdisciplinary Perspectives on the Administrative and Social Histories of Medieval England” showcases recent developments in the application of quantitative and digital methodologies to medieval administrative records. This introduction provides a brief overview of scholarship from the last fifty years that used numerical data derived from written texts to reveal new information about daily life in medieval England. It then summarizes the major findings and contributions of the six articles in the issue, each of which employs quantitative analysis of archival records to study previously under-explored communities, places, and institutions.

Following the Fourth Lateran Council, the Benedictine Order became increasingly centralized. Individual houses, however, maintained a strong sense of their own privileges and identity as independent communities. The tension between communal autonomy and the enforcement of canon law was exhibited and tested in the process of abbatial election. This article takes as a case study the diocese of Lincoln, England's largest medieval diocese, which offers the largest sample of Benedictine monastic superiors. Using episcopal registers alongside monastic cartularies and customaries, it examines the process and significance of the election of monastic superiors. The article also seeks to integrate the study of male and female monasteries and to study relationships between individual houses and both secular and ecclesiastical hierarchies. The research findings come from the author's database of all known monastic superiors of independent Benedictine houses in the diocese of Lincoln from 1183–1340.

Convocation was the assembly of the clergy of medieval England and Wales and met from the late 1280s until the seventeenth century (before a rebirth in the nineteenth century). Economic historians have largely examined Convocation as a rubber stamp for stand-alone tax requests by the English kings or focused on small groupings of these demands—an examination of these requests and the evolution of how they were handled by the members of Convocation has not been covered. In this article, tax subsidy requests by the kings to Convocation are examined across three centuries in conjunction with clerical petitions to the monarchy allowing us to determine trends, including how the clergy went from ignoring requests to granting them with conditions. By placing these requests in their situational context, we can trace the efforts for self-rule and autonomy by the English clergy in the later Middle Ages.

English campaigns in France during the Hundred Years War were military operations and significant governmental undertakings. The monarchy needed to mobilize and deploy men, animals, and equipment across the Channel to wage war in France. Once assembled, the English army employed a complex administrative system to ensure its soldiers were funded and resourced, leaving records of financial expenditures. The often-cited Vadia Guerre (War Wages) represented one section of the military finances for such English campaigns. This article presents a snapshot of English efforts to wage war during King Edward III's final campaign in France, culminating in the Treaty of Brétigny in 1360. It utilizes a database to track the names, numbers, and payments of various English troops and subsidies for expenses. It then uses the categories of newly created knights and combat support personnel to highlight the challenges of employing administrative records in such research and complicate our understanding of service and military-financial compensation in the fourteenth century.

Medieval Romney Marsh, a system of wetlands in southeast England, was a valuable landscape—densely settled and agriculturally productive. At the same time, however it was environmentally vulnerable to the series of crises associated with the end of the Medieval Climate Anomaly: flooding, famine, and disease-induced demographic collapse and labor shortages. A marsh government, designed to maintain the Romney Marsh sea defenses, conducted a series of detailed tax assessments across the Marsh between the mid-thirteenth and late fourteenth century, bridging this period of transition. These assessments offer an invaluable window into the intersection of environmental stress and the Marsh's social structure, revealing both a surprising resilience in the tenant sector and the vulnerability of demesne grain farms.

Medieval ladies-in-waiting were sophisticated players who earned significant rewards and engaged in power politics. This article quantifies and visualizes how female attendants accessed royal power and influence during the reign of Elizabeth of York (d. 1503), consort of Henry VII (r. 1485–1509). Using prosopographical techniques to build a collective biography of Elizabeth's highborn servants, analyzed with three related Microsoft Access databases, the investigation uncovered over 350 references to their activities. Employing Net.Create software and techniques of network analysis, this study contextualizes both their duties and their rewards. Visually representing proximity to the monarch reveals, beyond anecdotes, how rulers relied upon some ladies-in-waiting more than others. Informed by gender studies, this article supports recent queen-focused analyses of female power that have sought to challenge the long-standing narrative that male-dominated monarchy excluded female participation and access to power by revealing the prominence and activities of female courtiers in late medieval England.

This article presents a quantitative analysis of English court records to enhance our understanding of urban drinking establishments from the thirteenth to the fifteenth century. The data is analyzed in three interrelated ways. First, the physical space of taverns and alehouses is considered with a focus on their layout, the signage they used, and the naming conventions they employed. The second section focuses on the gendering of these spaces and concludes, based in part on the number of women that could be found as both patrons and proprietors, that they should not be conceptualized solely as masculine spaces. The final section argues that drinking houses functioned primarily as social spaces that allowed for entertainment and gregarious activities despite concerns about the moral and physical dangers they presented.

The three articles in this issue each problematize, if in different ways, common narratives about French trajectories after World War II. Directly or indirectly, they each call into question the expansive, linear mythology that Jean Fourastié coined as France's Thirty Glorious Years in his 1979 book.1 As part of a growing body of scholarship that questions Fourastié’s periodization, Drew Fedorka, Brooke Durham, and Amelia Lyons expose how his chronology papered over France's decline as an international power during the polarized Cold War, its role in brutal colonial wars, the coup that ended one republic and ushered in another, the long road to economic recovery that thirty-year statistical averages belied, and the social and economic stagnation that the younger generation felt even at the supposed crest of postwar growth.2 All three articles explore questions related to France's effort to rebuild the nation's reputation and influence, particularly through the construction of a new generation trained to look to the future without fixating on the past, or even the shadowy corners of the present. The articles in this special issue highlight that postwar challenges—consumer shortages, the housing crisis, the Fourth Republic's revolving cabinets, the violence on the ground in Algeria, the problems associated with implementing development schemes in newly independent Africa—could not be hidden from view and reminded those who lived through this period of traumas in their nation's past and present. The historians contributing to this issue demonstrate how France's interest in creating a new sense of the nation, innocent of the dark years and all their baggage, as well as its obsession with maintaining its influence on the world stage as its empire crumbled, weighed heavily on the next generation of leaders.

The three articles in this issue each problematize, if in different ways, common narratives about French trajectories after World War II. Directly or indirectly, they each call into question the expansive, linear mythology that Jean Fourastié coined as France's Thirty Glorious Years in his 1979 book.1 As part of a growing body of scholarship that questions Fourastié’s periodization, Drew Fedorka, Brooke Durham, and Amelia Lyons expose how his chronology papered over France's decline as an international power during the polarized Cold War, its role in brutal colonial wars, the coup that ended one republic and ushered in another, the long road to economic recovery that thirty-year statistical averages belied, and the social and economic stagnation that the younger generation felt even at the supposed crest of postwar growth.2 All three articles explore questions related to France's effort to rebuild the nation's reputation and influence, particularly through the construction of a new generation trained to look to the future without fixating on the past, or even the shadowy corners of the present. The articles in this special issue highlight that postwar challenges—consumer shortages, the housing crisis, the Fourth Republic's revolving cabinets, the violence on the ground in Algeria, the problems associated with implementing development schemes in newly independent Africa—could not be hidden from view and reminded those who lived through this period of traumas in their nation's past and present. The historians contributing to this issue demonstrate how France's interest in creating a new sense of the nation, innocent of the dark years and all their baggage, as well as its obsession with maintaining its influence on the world stage as its empire crumbled, weighed heavily on the next generation of leaders.

This article tracks the rise and eventual fall of the jeune cadre social type in postwar France. The term evoked the young and university-educated middle manager, an upwardly mobile member of the salaried middle class. The jeune cadre was at the center of postwar modernization and was also an emblematic part of France's “golden age of growth,” the Trente Glorieuses. Building on scholarship that questions the periodization and its underlying notions of material and social progress, this article uses the jeune cadre as a case study to explore the limits of the modernizing project. It highlights the persistent gap that separated elite discourse from the lived experience of ordinary workers and university students who did—and did not—conform to the technocratic ideal.

The three articles in this issue each problematize, if in different ways, common narratives about French trajectories after World War II. Directly or indirectly, they each call into question the expansive, linear mythology that Jean Fourastié coined as France's Thirty Glorious Years in his 1979 book.1 As part of a growing body of scholarship that questions Fourastié’s periodization, Drew Fedorka, Brooke Durham, and Amelia Lyons expose how his chronology papered over France's decline as an international power during the polarized Cold War, its role in brutal colonial wars, the coup that ended one republic and ushered in another, the long road to economic recovery that thirty-year statistical averages belied, and the social and economic stagnation that the younger generation felt even at the supposed crest of postwar growth.2 All three articles explore questions related to France's effort to rebuild the nation's reputation and influence, particularly through the construction of a new generation trained to look to the future without fixating on the past, or even the shadowy corners of the present. The articles in this special issue highlight that postwar challenges—consumer shortages, the housing crisis, the Fourth Republic's revolving cabinets, the violence on the ground in Algeria, the problems associated with implementing development schemes in newly independent Africa—could not be hidden from view and reminded those who lived through this period of traumas in their nation's past and present. The historians contributing to this issue demonstrate how France's interest in creating a new sense of the nation, innocent of the dark years and all their baggage, as well as its obsession with maintaining its influence on the world stage as its empire crumbled, weighed heavily on the next generation of leaders.

This article tracks the rise and eventual fall of the jeune cadre social type in postwar France. The term evoked the young and university-educated middle manager, an upwardly mobile member of the salaried middle class. The jeune cadre was at the center of postwar modernization and was also an emblematic part of France's “golden age of growth,” the Trente Glorieuses. Building on scholarship that questions the periodization and its underlying notions of material and social progress, this article uses the jeune cadre as a case study to explore the limits of the modernizing project. It highlights the persistent gap that separated elite discourse from the lived experience of ordinary workers and university students who did—and did not—conform to the technocratic ideal.

At the height of the Algerian War of Independence, the French government sought to convince the metropolitan public to support its modernization initiatives in Algeria. This article examines the government's outreach to university students through summer internships in administrative, health, and welfare roles in Algeria. Students, however, were not always convinced that France was a force for “good” in raising Algerian living standards. In surveys and reports reflecting on their experiences living and working across the Mediterranean, students identified obstacles to the French administrative and military interventions, especially mistrust between Europeans and Algerians, and the high human and material costs of waging war against Algerian nationalists. This article contributes to scholarship on youth, modernization, and decolonization.

The three articles in this issue each problematize, if in different ways, common narratives about French trajectories after World War II. Directly or indirectly, they each call into question the expansive, linear mythology that Jean Fourastié coined as France's Thirty Glorious Years in his 1979 book.1 As part of a growing body of scholarship that questions Fourastié’s periodization, Drew Fedorka, Brooke Durham, and Amelia Lyons expose how his chronology papered over France's decline as an international power during the polarized Cold War, its role in brutal colonial wars, the coup that ended one republic and ushered in another, the long road to economic recovery that thirty-year statistical averages belied, and the social and economic stagnation that the younger generation felt even at the supposed crest of postwar growth.2 All three articles explore questions related to France's effort to rebuild the nation's reputation and influence, particularly through the construction of a new generation trained to look to the future without fixating on the past, or even the shadowy corners of the present. The articles in this special issue highlight that postwar challenges—consumer shortages, the housing crisis, the Fourth Republic's revolving cabinets, the violence on the ground in Algeria, the problems associated with implementing development schemes in newly independent Africa—could not be hidden from view and reminded those who lived through this period of traumas in their nation's past and present. The historians contributing to this issue demonstrate how France's interest in creating a new sense of the nation, innocent of the dark years and all their baggage, as well as its obsession with maintaining its influence on the world stage as its empire crumbled, weighed heavily on the next generation of leaders.

This article tracks the rise and eventual fall of the jeune cadre social type in postwar France. The term evoked the young and university-educated middle manager, an upwardly mobile member of the salaried middle class. The jeune cadre was at the center of postwar modernization and was also an emblematic part of France's “golden age of growth,” the Trente Glorieuses. Building on scholarship that questions the periodization and its underlying notions of material and social progress, this article uses the jeune cadre as a case study to explore the limits of the modernizing project. It highlights the persistent gap that separated elite discourse from the lived experience of ordinary workers and university students who did—and did not—conform to the technocratic ideal.

At the height of the Algerian War of Independence, the French government sought to convince the metropolitan public to support its modernization initiatives in Algeria. This article examines the government's outreach to university students through summer internships in administrative, health, and welfare roles in Algeria. Students, however, were not always convinced that France was a force for “good” in raising Algerian living standards. In surveys and reports reflecting on their experiences living and working across the Mediterranean, students identified obstacles to the French administrative and military interventions, especially mistrust between Europeans and Algerians, and the high human and material costs of waging war against Algerian nationalists. This article contributes to scholarship on youth, modernization, and decolonization.

This article examines small-scale development programs targeting women in Niger and Senegal between 1962 and 1975. Development's attention to large-scale public works and programs targeting men as productive laborers obscures UNESCO's promise to provide men and women in developing countries equal access to and an equal role in the transformation of their nations. Studying women's animation, a grassroots approach to modernizing rural African villages, allows us to better understand the gendered and raced dimensions of development and explore tensions among and between development planners. This article asks how white women experts, who sought to emphasize women's needs and to valorize their contributions, fit into development. It examines women practitioners’ efforts to counter gendered assumptions about the agents of change in Africa. It shows that women experts adhered to development's universalist worldview, yet simultaneously encountered and critiqued failures to uphold the development ethos. It demonstrates that development's modernization programs perpetuated ideas about women's labor, relegating it to the domestic and reproductive spheres.

The three articles in this issue each problematize, if in different ways, common narratives about French trajectories after World War II. Directly or indirectly, they each call into question the expansive, linear mythology that Jean Fourastié coined as France's Thirty Glorious Years in his 1979 book.1 As part of a growing body of scholarship that questions Fourastié’s periodization, Drew Fedorka, Brooke Durham, and Amelia Lyons expose how his chronology papered over France's decline as an international power during the polarized Cold War, its role in brutal colonial wars, the coup that ended one republic and ushered in another, the long road to economic recovery that thirty-year statistical averages belied, and the social and economic stagnation that the younger generation felt even at the supposed crest of postwar growth.2 All three articles explore questions related to France's effort to rebuild the nation's reputation and influence, particularly through the construction of a new generation trained to look to the future without fixating on the past, or even the shadowy corners of the present. The articles in this special issue highlight that postwar challenges—consumer shortages, the housing crisis, the Fourth Republic's revolving cabinets, the violence on the ground in Algeria, the problems associated with implementing development schemes in newly independent Africa—could not be hidden from view and reminded those who lived through this period of traumas in their nation's past and present. The historians contributing to this issue demonstrate how France's interest in creating a new sense of the nation, innocent of the dark years and all their baggage, as well as its obsession with maintaining its influence on the world stage as its empire crumbled, weighed heavily on the next generation of leaders.

This article tracks the rise and eventual fall of the jeune cadre social type in postwar France. The term evoked the young and university-educated middle manager, an upwardly mobile member of the salaried middle class. The jeune cadre was at the center of postwar modernization and was also an emblematic part of France's “golden age of growth,” the Trente Glorieuses. Building on scholarship that questions the periodization and its underlying notions of material and social progress, this article uses the jeune cadre as a case study to explore the limits of the modernizing project. It highlights the persistent gap that separated elite discourse from the lived experience of ordinary workers and university students who did—and did not—conform to the technocratic ideal.

At the height of the Algerian War of Independence, the French government sought to convince the metropolitan public to support its modernization initiatives in Algeria. This article examines the government's outreach to university students through summer internships in administrative, health, and welfare roles in Algeria. Students, however, were not always convinced that France was a force for “good” in raising Algerian living standards. In surveys and reports reflecting on their experiences living and working across the Mediterranean, students identified obstacles to the French administrative and military interventions, especially mistrust between Europeans and Algerians, and the high human and material costs of waging war against Algerian nationalists. This article contributes to scholarship on youth, modernization, and decolonization.

This article examines small-scale development programs targeting women in Niger and Senegal between 1962 and 1975. Development's attention to large-scale public works and programs targeting men as productive laborers obscures UNESCO's promise to provide men and women in developing countries equal access to and an equal role in the transformation of their nations. Studying women's animation, a grassroots approach to modernizing rural African villages, allows us to better understand the gendered and raced dimensions of development and explore tensions among and between development planners. This article asks how white women experts, who sought to emphasize women's needs and to valorize their contributions, fit into development. It examines women practitioners’ efforts to counter gendered assumptions about the agents of change in Africa. It shows that women experts adhered to development's universalist worldview, yet simultaneously encountered and critiqued failures to uphold the development ethos. It demonstrates that development's modernization programs perpetuated ideas about women's labor, relegating it to the domestic and reproductive spheres.

Can property ownership be essentially equated with the absolute and individual right to exclude others from a resource? By critically assessing this question, this article reconstructs the republican conception of property, explaining the way it was formerly shaped by the ancient natural law, and then by the Lockean tradition. Both intellectual and conceptual influences molded modern republican's property conception as a kind of fiduciary relationship, namely, as an institutional and juridical agreement between a trustor or principal and its trustees or agents with overlapped and interdependent interests, necessities, and rights. This view differs from the so-called “classical liberal property” commonly understood as an absolute dominium relying on an individual and exclusivist right enabling their holder to freely alienate and freely accumulate material things. The article concludes by suggesting that important legal areas of our contemporary market societies are certainly established in accordance with this republican-fiduciary conception of property rights.

The three articles in this issue each problematize, if in different ways, common narratives about French trajectories after World War II. Directly or indirectly, they each call into question the expansive, linear mythology that Jean Fourastié coined as France's Thirty Glorious Years in his 1979 book.1 As part of a growing body of scholarship that questions Fourastié’s periodization, Drew Fedorka, Brooke Durham, and Amelia Lyons expose how his chronology papered over France's decline as an international power during the polarized Cold War, its role in brutal colonial wars, the coup that ended one republic and ushered in another, the long road to economic recovery that thirty-year statistical averages belied, and the social and economic stagnation that the younger generation felt even at the supposed crest of postwar growth.2 All three articles explore questions related to France's effort to rebuild the nation's reputation and influence, particularly through the construction of a new generation trained to look to the future without fixating on the past, or even the shadowy corners of the present. The articles in this special issue highlight that postwar challenges—consumer shortages, the housing crisis, the Fourth Republic's revolving cabinets, the violence on the ground in Algeria, the problems associated with implementing development schemes in newly independent Africa—could not be hidden from view and reminded those who lived through this period of traumas in their nation's past and present. The historians contributing to this issue demonstrate how France's interest in creating a new sense of the nation, innocent of the dark years and all their baggage, as well as its obsession with maintaining its influence on the world stage as its empire crumbled, weighed heavily on the next generation of leaders.

This article tracks the rise and eventual fall of the jeune cadre social type in postwar France. The term evoked the young and university-educated middle manager, an upwardly mobile member of the salaried middle class. The jeune cadre was at the center of postwar modernization and was also an emblematic part of France's “golden age of growth,” the Trente Glorieuses. Building on scholarship that questions the periodization and its underlying notions of material and social progress, this article uses the jeune cadre as a case study to explore the limits of the modernizing project. It highlights the persistent gap that separated elite discourse from the lived experience of ordinary workers and university students who did—and did not—conform to the technocratic ideal.

At the height of the Algerian War of Independence, the French government sought to convince the metropolitan public to support its modernization initiatives in Algeria. This article examines the government's outreach to university students through summer internships in administrative, health, and welfare roles in Algeria. Students, however, were not always convinced that France was a force for “good” in raising Algerian living standards. In surveys and reports reflecting on their experiences living and working across the Mediterranean, students identified obstacles to the French administrative and military interventions, especially mistrust between Europeans and Algerians, and the high human and material costs of waging war against Algerian nationalists. This article contributes to scholarship on youth, modernization, and decolonization.

This article examines small-scale development programs targeting women in Niger and Senegal between 1962 and 1975. Development's attention to large-scale public works and programs targeting men as productive laborers obscures UNESCO's promise to provide men and women in developing countries equal access to and an equal role in the transformation of their nations. Studying women's animation, a grassroots approach to modernizing rural African villages, allows us to better understand the gendered and raced dimensions of development and explore tensions among and between development planners. This article asks how white women experts, who sought to emphasize women's needs and to valorize their contributions, fit into development. It examines women practitioners’ efforts to counter gendered assumptions about the agents of change in Africa. It shows that women experts adhered to development's universalist worldview, yet simultaneously encountered and critiqued failures to uphold the development ethos. It demonstrates that development's modernization programs perpetuated ideas about women's labor, relegating it to the domestic and reproductive spheres.

Can property ownership be essentially equated with the absolute and individual right to exclude others from a resource? By critically assessing this question, this article reconstructs the republican conception of property, explaining the way it was formerly shaped by the ancient natural law, and then by the Lockean tradition. Both intellectual and conceptual influences molded modern republican's property conception as a kind of fiduciary relationship, namely, as an institutional and juridical agreement between a trustor or principal and its trustees or agents with overlapped and interdependent interests, necessities, and rights. This view differs from the so-called “classical liberal property” commonly understood as an absolute dominium relying on an individual and exclusivist right enabling their holder to freely alienate and freely accumulate material things. The article concludes by suggesting that important legal areas of our contemporary market societies are certainly established in accordance with this republican-fiduciary conception of property rights.

The history of the Dreyfus Affair, and the anti-Semitic movement that gripped France and Algeria, is well-documented. Though scholars have demonstrated that anti- Protestantism and Protestants were central to the Affair's metropolitan context, few have examined anti-Protestantism in the empire. This article explores the untold story of two British Protestant clerics, Arthur Liley and Frederick Yandell, who were accused of undermining French Algeria, amid charges of espionage and sedition in the press and in the Chamber of Deputies. By restoring the Liley and Yandell scandals to a shared context with both the Dreyfus Affair and the history of fin-de-siècle Algeria, we see that outrage about these two figures underscored anxieties about French colonial rule, as well as frustrations with French liberalism.

The three articles in this issue each problematize, if in different ways, common narratives about French trajectories after World War II. Directly or indirectly, they each call into question the expansive, linear mythology that Jean Fourastié coined as France's Thirty Glorious Years in his 1979 book.1 As part of a growing body of scholarship that questions Fourastié’s periodization, Drew Fedorka, Brooke Durham, and Amelia Lyons expose how his chronology papered over France's decline as an international power during the polarized Cold War, its role in brutal colonial wars, the coup that ended one republic and ushered in another, the long road to economic recovery that thirty-year statistical averages belied, and the social and economic stagnation that the younger generation felt even at the supposed crest of postwar growth.2 All three articles explore questions related to France's effort to rebuild the nation's reputation and influence, particularly through the construction of a new generation trained to look to the future without fixating on the past, or even the shadowy corners of the present. The articles in this special issue highlight that postwar challenges—consumer shortages, the housing crisis, the Fourth Republic's revolving cabinets, the violence on the ground in Algeria, the problems associated with implementing development schemes in newly independent Africa—could not be hidden from view and reminded those who lived through this period of traumas in their nation's past and present. The historians contributing to this issue demonstrate how France's interest in creating a new sense of the nation, innocent of the dark years and all their baggage, as well as its obsession with maintaining its influence on the world stage as its empire crumbled, weighed heavily on the next generation of leaders.

This article tracks the rise and eventual fall of the jeune cadre social type in postwar France. The term evoked the young and university-educated middle manager, an upwardly mobile member of the salaried middle class. The jeune cadre was at the center of postwar modernization and was also an emblematic part of France's “golden age of growth,” the Trente Glorieuses. Building on scholarship that questions the periodization and its underlying notions of material and social progress, this article uses the jeune cadre as a case study to explore the limits of the modernizing project. It highlights the persistent gap that separated elite discourse from the lived experience of ordinary workers and university students who did—and did not—conform to the technocratic ideal.

At the height of the Algerian War of Independence, the French government sought to convince the metropolitan public to support its modernization initiatives in Algeria. This article examines the government's outreach to university students through summer internships in administrative, health, and welfare roles in Algeria. Students, however, were not always convinced that France was a force for “good” in raising Algerian living standards. In surveys and reports reflecting on their experiences living and working across the Mediterranean, students identified obstacles to the French administrative and military interventions, especially mistrust between Europeans and Algerians, and the high human and material costs of waging war against Algerian nationalists. This article contributes to scholarship on youth, modernization, and decolonization.

This article examines small-scale development programs targeting women in Niger and Senegal between 1962 and 1975. Development's attention to large-scale public works and programs targeting men as productive laborers obscures UNESCO's promise to provide men and women in developing countries equal access to and an equal role in the transformation of their nations. Studying women's animation, a grassroots approach to modernizing rural African villages, allows us to better understand the gendered and raced dimensions of development and explore tensions among and between development planners. This article asks how white women experts, who sought to emphasize women's needs and to valorize their contributions, fit into development. It examines women practitioners’ efforts to counter gendered assumptions about the agents of change in Africa. It shows that women experts adhered to development's universalist worldview, yet simultaneously encountered and critiqued failures to uphold the development ethos. It demonstrates that development's modernization programs perpetuated ideas about women's labor, relegating it to the domestic and reproductive spheres.

Can property ownership be essentially equated with the absolute and individual right to exclude others from a resource? By critically assessing this question, this article reconstructs the republican conception of property, explaining the way it was formerly shaped by the ancient natural law, and then by the Lockean tradition. Both intellectual and conceptual influences molded modern republican's property conception as a kind of fiduciary relationship, namely, as an institutional and juridical agreement between a trustor or principal and its trustees or agents with overlapped and interdependent interests, necessities, and rights. This view differs from the so-called “classical liberal property” commonly understood as an absolute dominium relying on an individual and exclusivist right enabling their holder to freely alienate and freely accumulate material things. The article concludes by suggesting that important legal areas of our contemporary market societies are certainly established in accordance with this republican-fiduciary conception of property rights.

The history of the Dreyfus Affair, and the anti-Semitic movement that gripped France and Algeria, is well-documented. Though scholars have demonstrated that anti- Protestantism and Protestants were central to the Affair's metropolitan context, few have examined anti-Protestantism in the empire. This article explores the untold story of two British Protestant clerics, Arthur Liley and Frederick Yandell, who were accused of undermining French Algeria, amid charges of espionage and sedition in the press and in the Chamber of Deputies. By restoring the Liley and Yandell scandals to a shared context with both the Dreyfus Affair and the history of fin-de-siècle Algeria, we see that outrage about these two figures underscored anxieties about French colonial rule, as well as frustrations with French liberalism.

Shonaleeka Kaul (ed.), Retelling Time: Alterative Temporalities from Premodern South Asia. London and New York: Routledge, 2023. Preface, List of Contributors, Chapters, 232 pp. ISBN 978-1-032-06205-1 (pb); ISBN 978-1-032-06193-1 (hb); ISBN 978-1-003-20278-3 (eBook). Paperback $52; Hardback $170.00; eBook $39.71.

Lei X. Ouyang, Music as Mao's Weapon: Remembering the Cultural Revolution. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 2022, xvii +198 pp. 13 black & white photographs, 13 music examples, 13 tables, glossary. ISBN 978-0-252-08621-2 (pb); ISBN 978-0-252-04417-5 (hb); ISBN 978-0-252-05311-5 (ebook). Paperback $28.00; Hardback $110; Ebook $19.95.

Andrew Prescott and Alison Wiggins (eds), Archives: Power, Truth and Fiction. Oxford Twenty- First Century Approaches to Literature. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2023. xxviii +544 pp. 55 illustrations. ISBN 9780198829324 (hb). Hardback £155.

The articles in this special issue originated as a panel on political violence and terrorism in modern France at the Society for the Study of French History conference in summer 2021. Taken together, they help deepen our understanding of these two issues, and particularly the ways in which they intersected with gender and race in interwar and wartime France. In his classic lecture Politics as a Vocation, the German sociologist Max Weber famously defined a monopoly on the legitimate use of physical force as the defining characteristic of the modern state. Weber's maxim cannot have been based on French history. From the eruption of the French Revolution in 1789 to the crushing of the Paris Commune in 1871, France was gripped by constitutional uncertainty and political violence. Monarchies, empires, and republics rose and fell with alarming speed as different factions competed to claim power and remake the country in their image. This uncertainty was brought to an end by the establishment of the Third Republic, which would go on to last for seventy years until its abolition after France's defeat to Nazi Germany in 1940.

The articles in this special issue originated as a panel on political violence and terrorism in modern France at the Society for the Study of French History conference in summer 2021. Taken together, they help deepen our understanding of these two issues, and particularly the ways in which they intersected with gender and race in interwar and wartime France. In his classic lecture Politics as a Vocation, the German sociologist Max Weber famously defined a monopoly on the legitimate use of physical force as the defining characteristic of the modern state. Weber's maxim cannot have been based on French history. From the eruption of the French Revolution in 1789 to the crushing of the Paris Commune in 1871, France was gripped by constitutional uncertainty and political violence. Monarchies, empires, and republics rose and fell with alarming speed as different factions competed to claim power and remake the country in their image. This uncertainty was brought to an end by the establishment of the Third Republic, which would go on to last for seventy years until its abolition after France's defeat to Nazi Germany in 1940.

This article argues that the Union Nationale des Anciens Combattants Coloniaux (UNACC) was the premier organization in a broader colonialist movement. Colonialists sought to transpose the racialized and patriarchal hierarchies that drove colonial conquest to the metropole for authoritarian and fascist purposes. The first case study of the UNACC, this article traces its creation, ideology, and activities in order to show that the group appropriated the Republican label for its own anti-democratic agenda. UNACC newspapers reveal that colonialists believed that they had a mission to civilize the metropolitan Republic by destroying anti-French forces of disorder, which included leftists, pacifists, immigrants, and feminists. To do so, the UNACC crafted a colonialist identity and organized white colonial veterans into a political force.

The articles in this special issue originated as a panel on political violence and terrorism in modern France at the Society for the Study of French History conference in summer 2021. Taken together, they help deepen our understanding of these two issues, and particularly the ways in which they intersected with gender and race in interwar and wartime France. In his classic lecture Politics as a Vocation, the German sociologist Max Weber famously defined a monopoly on the legitimate use of physical force as the defining characteristic of the modern state. Weber's maxim cannot have been based on French history. From the eruption of the French Revolution in 1789 to the crushing of the Paris Commune in 1871, France was gripped by constitutional uncertainty and political violence. Monarchies, empires, and republics rose and fell with alarming speed as different factions competed to claim power and remake the country in their image. This uncertainty was brought to an end by the establishment of the Third Republic, which would go on to last for seventy years until its abolition after France's defeat to Nazi Germany in 1940.

This article argues that the Union Nationale des Anciens Combattants Coloniaux (UNACC) was the premier organization in a broader colonialist movement. Colonialists sought to transpose the racialized and patriarchal hierarchies that drove colonial conquest to the metropole for authoritarian and fascist purposes. The first case study of the UNACC, this article traces its creation, ideology, and activities in order to show that the group appropriated the Republican label for its own anti-democratic agenda. UNACC newspapers reveal that colonialists believed that they had a mission to civilize the metropolitan Republic by destroying anti-French forces of disorder, which included leftists, pacifists, immigrants, and feminists. To do so, the UNACC crafted a colonialist identity and organized white colonial veterans into a political force.

This article explores four case studies of women on France's extreme right, 1935–1945, to elucidate their agency, in terms of political activism and sexuality. We contend that, just as did women on the left, including in the Resistance, they profited from the liminal space the political disruptions the election of the Popular Front in 1936, and the war and Occupation created to engage in behavior normally deemed transgressive in their culture. They joined extreme-right political organizations and grasped opportunities to exert authority, even obtaining leadership roles. Likewise, they collaborated with their male lovers, kin, and colleagues in participating in violent terrorist activities. We contend that scholars have underestimated the agency of women on the right and seek to comprehend how these women understood their actions.

The articles in this special issue originated as a panel on political violence and terrorism in modern France at the Society for the Study of French History conference in summer 2021. Taken together, they help deepen our understanding of these two issues, and particularly the ways in which they intersected with gender and race in interwar and wartime France. In his classic lecture Politics as a Vocation, the German sociologist Max Weber famously defined a monopoly on the legitimate use of physical force as the defining characteristic of the modern state. Weber's maxim cannot have been based on French history. From the eruption of the French Revolution in 1789 to the crushing of the Paris Commune in 1871, France was gripped by constitutional uncertainty and political violence. Monarchies, empires, and republics rose and fell with alarming speed as different factions competed to claim power and remake the country in their image. This uncertainty was brought to an end by the establishment of the Third Republic, which would go on to last for seventy years until its abolition after France's defeat to Nazi Germany in 1940.

This article argues that the Union Nationale des Anciens Combattants Coloniaux (UNACC) was the premier organization in a broader colonialist movement. Colonialists sought to transpose the racialized and patriarchal hierarchies that drove colonial conquest to the metropole for authoritarian and fascist purposes. The first case study of the UNACC, this article traces its creation, ideology, and activities in order to show that the group appropriated the Republican label for its own anti-democratic agenda. UNACC newspapers reveal that colonialists believed that they had a mission to civilize the metropolitan Republic by destroying anti-French forces of disorder, which included leftists, pacifists, immigrants, and feminists. To do so, the UNACC crafted a colonialist identity and organized white colonial veterans into a political force.

This article explores four case studies of women on France's extreme right, 1935–1945, to elucidate their agency, in terms of political activism and sexuality. We contend that, just as did women on the left, including in the Resistance, they profited from the liminal space the political disruptions the election of the Popular Front in 1936, and the war and Occupation created to engage in behavior normally deemed transgressive in their culture. They joined extreme-right political organizations and grasped opportunities to exert authority, even obtaining leadership roles. Likewise, they collaborated with their male lovers, kin, and colleagues in participating in violent terrorist activities. We contend that scholars have underestimated the agency of women on the right and seek to comprehend how these women understood their actions.

Despite their inherently transgressive dimension, neither the French Resistance nor its maquis groups challenged the assimilation of virile and warlike qualities in force during World War Two. While historiography has extensively studied the assistance functions assigned to female members of the Resistance, a number of questions remain. Why did the maquis groups “virilize” warfare with as much application as regular armies? What circumstances, on the contrary, led to exceptions to this rule, and with what consequences? Through the portraits of some of the women who joined the maquis, or even took up arms, this article examines gender assignments and the fate of women who transgressed them—bringing to light power structures that the resistance itself was not yet ready to question.

This article argues that the Union Nationale des Anciens Combattants Coloniaux (UNACC) was the premier organization in a broader colonialist movement. Colonialists sought to transpose the racialized and patriarchal hierarchies that drove colonial conquest to the metropole for authoritarian and fascist purposes. The first case study of the UNACC, this article traces its creation, ideology, and activities in order to show that the group appropriated the Republican label for its own anti-democratic agenda. UNACC newspapers reveal that colonialists believed that they had a mission to civilize the metropolitan Republic by destroying anti-French forces of disorder, which included leftists, pacifists, immigrants, and feminists. To do so, the UNACC crafted a colonialist identity and organized white colonial veterans into a political force.

This article explores four case studies of women on France's extreme right, 1935–1945, to elucidate their agency, in terms of political activism and sexuality. We contend that, just as did women on the left, including in the Resistance, they profited from the liminal space the political disruptions the election of the Popular Front in 1936, and the war and Occupation created to engage in behavior normally deemed transgressive in their culture. They joined extreme-right political organizations and grasped opportunities to exert authority, even obtaining leadership roles. Likewise, they collaborated with their male lovers, kin, and colleagues in participating in violent terrorist activities. We contend that scholars have underestimated the agency of women on the right and seek to comprehend how these women understood their actions.

Despite their inherently transgressive dimension, neither the French Resistance nor its maquis groups challenged the assimilation of virile and warlike qualities in force during World War Two. While historiography has extensively studied the assistance functions assigned to female members of the Resistance, a number of questions remain. Why did the maquis groups “virilize” warfare with as much application as regular armies? What circumstances, on the contrary, led to exceptions to this rule, and with what consequences? Through the portraits of some of the women who joined the maquis, or even took up arms, this article examines gender assignments and the fate of women who transgressed them—bringing to light power structures that the resistance itself was not yet ready to question.

The articles in this special issue originated as a panel on political violence and terrorism in modern France at the Society for the Study of French History conference in summer 2021. Taken together, they help deepen our understanding of these two issues, and particularly the ways in which they intersected with gender and race in interwar and wartime France. In his classic lecture Politics as a Vocation, the German sociologist Max Weber famously defined a monopoly on the legitimate use of physical force as the defining characteristic of the modern state. Weber's maxim cannot have been based on French history. From the eruption of the French Revolution in 1789 to the crushing of the Paris Commune in 1871, France was gripped by constitutional uncertainty and political violence. Monarchies, empires, and republics rose and fell with alarming speed as different factions competed to claim power and remake the country in their image. This uncertainty was brought to an end by the establishment of the Third Republic, which would go on to last for seventy years until its abolition after France's defeat to Nazi Germany in 1940.

This article argues that the Union Nationale des Anciens Combattants Coloniaux (UNACC) was the premier organization in a broader colonialist movement. Colonialists sought to transpose the racialized and patriarchal hierarchies that drove colonial conquest to the metropole for authoritarian and fascist purposes. The first case study of the UNACC, this article traces its creation, ideology, and activities in order to show that the group appropriated the Republican label for its own anti-democratic agenda. UNACC newspapers reveal that colonialists believed that they had a mission to civilize the metropolitan Republic by destroying anti-French forces of disorder, which included leftists, pacifists, immigrants, and feminists. To do so, the UNACC crafted a colonialist identity and organized white colonial veterans into a political force.

This article explores four case studies of women on France's extreme right, 1935–1945, to elucidate their agency, in terms of political activism and sexuality. We contend that, just as did women on the left, including in the Resistance, they profited from the liminal space the political disruptions the election of the Popular Front in 1936, and the war and Occupation created to engage in behavior normally deemed transgressive in their culture. They joined extreme-right political organizations and grasped opportunities to exert authority, even obtaining leadership roles. Likewise, they collaborated with their male lovers, kin, and colleagues in participating in violent terrorist activities. We contend that scholars have underestimated the agency of women on the right and seek to comprehend how these women understood their actions.

Despite their inherently transgressive dimension, neither the French Resistance nor its maquis groups challenged the assimilation of virile and warlike qualities in force during World War Two. While historiography has extensively studied the assistance functions assigned to female members of the Resistance, a number of questions remain. Why did the maquis groups “virilize” warfare with as much application as regular armies? What circumstances, on the contrary, led to exceptions to this rule, and with what consequences? Through the portraits of some of the women who joined the maquis, or even took up arms, this article examines gender assignments and the fate of women who transgressed them—bringing to light power structures that the resistance itself was not yet ready to question.

 • Starting with its occupation of the Chinese city of Mukden, Japan continuously disregarded the post–World War I peace mechanism between 1931 and 1937. Unlike white Americans, who sympathized with China and condemned the encroachment as a crass invasion, mainstream African-American opinion leaders approached the crisis as a righteous, Japanese-led offensive against whites. Yet ironically, this response did not undercut but reinforced the white imperial logic. Not only did prominent African Americans excuse Japan's invasion by citing the precedents of white imperialism and pointing to Japan's modernity; they also considered it beneficial to both Chinese and themselves. Japan emerged through the process as a qualified co-dominator of the nonwhite world while China's color was ignored or erased. This contrast testifies to the apparent constraints of a color-centered reading of the Far Eastern Crisis.

This special issue features historical scholars of imperial Russia and the Soviet Union analyzing representations of Russian and East European characters and history in contemporary Anglophone television and films, such as The Americans, Black Widow, The Great, For All Mankind, and Eurovision Song Contest: The Story of Fire Saga. They identify several tropes that shore up Anglosphere conceptions of progressiveness, liberalism, feminism, and even whiteness in ways that put pressure on geopolitics today, which some have characterized as a second Cold War. Gender and sexuality are dominant themes through which difference between the West and Eastern Europe is commonly staged onscreen. Debate emerges on whether this is a return to twentieth-century thinking or a new vision of Russian and East European otherness.

This special issue features historical scholars of imperial Russia and the Soviet Union analyzing representations of Russian and East European characters and history in contemporary Anglophone television and films, such as The Americans, Black Widow, The Great, For All Mankind, and Eurovision Song Contest: The Story of Fire Saga. They identify several tropes that shore up Anglosphere conceptions of progressiveness, liberalism, feminism, and even whiteness in ways that put pressure on geopolitics today, which some have characterized as a second Cold War. Gender and sexuality are dominant themes through which difference between the West and Eastern Europe is commonly staged onscreen. Debate emerges on whether this is a return to twentieth-century thinking or a new vision of Russian and East European otherness.

American and Western audiences have long come to understand Soviet and Russian womanhood, and thus US womanhood, from representations in popular televisual texts. While there is a long history of popular culture presenting the “othered” women of Eastern Europe, for example as temptress “Bond girls” during the Cold War, these narratives have continued onscreen into the twenty-first century. We examine the myriad representations from both the Cold War and post-Cold War period, noting the typical narrative constructions that focus on femme fatales, psychological and sexual trauma, and economic precarity, and how these have continued in contemporary popular culture to shore up notions of Western cultural and political superiority. The characters and the situations in which they find themselves, as spies, assassins, and double agents, continue to send messages about danger and dominance regarding both gender and geopolitics.

This special issue features historical scholars of imperial Russia and the Soviet Union analyzing representations of Russian and East European characters and history in contemporary Anglophone television and films, such as The Americans, Black Widow, The Great, For All Mankind, and Eurovision Song Contest: The Story of Fire Saga. They identify several tropes that shore up Anglosphere conceptions of progressiveness, liberalism, feminism, and even whiteness in ways that put pressure on geopolitics today, which some have characterized as a second Cold War. Gender and sexuality are dominant themes through which difference between the West and Eastern Europe is commonly staged onscreen. Debate emerges on whether this is a return to twentieth-century thinking or a new vision of Russian and East European otherness.

American and Western audiences have long come to understand Soviet and Russian womanhood, and thus US womanhood, from representations in popular televisual texts. While there is a long history of popular culture presenting the “othered” women of Eastern Europe, for example as temptress “Bond girls” during the Cold War, these narratives have continued onscreen into the twenty-first century. We examine the myriad representations from both the Cold War and post-Cold War period, noting the typical narrative constructions that focus on femme fatales, psychological and sexual trauma, and economic precarity, and how these have continued in contemporary popular culture to shore up notions of Western cultural and political superiority. The characters and the situations in which they find themselves, as spies, assassins, and double agents, continue to send messages about danger and dominance regarding both gender and geopolitics.

The Hulu series The Great, an ahistorical satire of the eighteenth-century Russian Empire, set at the courts of Peter III and Catherine II, doubles as a critique of contemporary politics and culture. Created for Anglophone audiences with little knowledge of history, but aware of stereotypes of Russia as a despotic, dysfunctional backwater, the show's appeal rests on the love-hate relationship between Peter the bro-emperor and the “girlboss” empress Catherine, as well as the expectation that Catherine, ultimately, will “have-it-all.” This article examines the gender dynamics structuring Peter's and Catherine's narrative arcs and argues that Catherine's trajectory from naïve, self-declared enlightened European princess to skilled, pragmatic ruler undermines Peter's attempt to liberate himself from an outdated model of masculinity.

This special issue features historical scholars of imperial Russia and the Soviet Union analyzing representations of Russian and East European characters and history in contemporary Anglophone television and films, such as The Americans, Black Widow, The Great, For All Mankind, and Eurovision Song Contest: The Story of Fire Saga. They identify several tropes that shore up Anglosphere conceptions of progressiveness, liberalism, feminism, and even whiteness in ways that put pressure on geopolitics today, which some have characterized as a second Cold War. Gender and sexuality are dominant themes through which difference between the West and Eastern Europe is commonly staged onscreen. Debate emerges on whether this is a return to twentieth-century thinking or a new vision of Russian and East European otherness.

American and Western audiences have long come to understand Soviet and Russian womanhood, and thus US womanhood, from representations in popular televisual texts. While there is a long history of popular culture presenting the “othered” women of Eastern Europe, for example as temptress “Bond girls” during the Cold War, these narratives have continued onscreen into the twenty-first century. We examine the myriad representations from both the Cold War and post-Cold War period, noting the typical narrative constructions that focus on femme fatales, psychological and sexual trauma, and economic precarity, and how these have continued in contemporary popular culture to shore up notions of Western cultural and political superiority. The characters and the situations in which they find themselves, as spies, assassins, and double agents, continue to send messages about danger and dominance regarding both gender and geopolitics.

The Hulu series The Great, an ahistorical satire of the eighteenth-century Russian Empire, set at the courts of Peter III and Catherine II, doubles as a critique of contemporary politics and culture. Created for Anglophone audiences with little knowledge of history, but aware of stereotypes of Russia as a despotic, dysfunctional backwater, the show's appeal rests on the love-hate relationship between Peter the bro-emperor and the “girlboss” empress Catherine, as well as the expectation that Catherine, ultimately, will “have-it-all.” This article examines the gender dynamics structuring Peter's and Catherine's narrative arcs and argues that Catherine's trajectory from naïve, self-declared enlightened European princess to skilled, pragmatic ruler undermines Peter's attempt to liberate himself from an outdated model of masculinity.

This article analyzes the Netflix six-part docudrama The Last Czars as well as the Amazon Prime anthology drama The Romanoffs for its representations of Russian imperial history and its heritage. Using an intersectional lens, it utilizes a close watching of the TV shows to identify a nostalgia for Russia's imperial legacy as core element of both series. Embedding the findings within popular culture, the analysis further shows that the nostalgic depiction of the last Russian imperial family and the mourning of their loss has a century-long history within American media. Comparing these depictions further to recent commemorations of the last Romanovs through the exhibitions Russia My History points to the Western complicity in Russian imperialist and colonial ideology through the recent shows in liberal American media.

This special issue features historical scholars of imperial Russia and the Soviet Union analyzing representations of Russian and East European characters and history in contemporary Anglophone television and films, such as The Americans, Black Widow, The Great, For All Mankind, and Eurovision Song Contest: The Story of Fire Saga. They identify several tropes that shore up Anglosphere conceptions of progressiveness, liberalism, feminism, and even whiteness in ways that put pressure on geopolitics today, which some have characterized as a second Cold War. Gender and sexuality are dominant themes through which difference between the West and Eastern Europe is commonly staged onscreen. Debate emerges on whether this is a return to twentieth-century thinking or a new vision of Russian and East European otherness.

American and Western audiences have long come to understand Soviet and Russian womanhood, and thus US womanhood, from representations in popular televisual texts. While there is a long history of popular culture presenting the “othered” women of Eastern Europe, for example as temptress “Bond girls” during the Cold War, these narratives have continued onscreen into the twenty-first century. We examine the myriad representations from both the Cold War and post-Cold War period, noting the typical narrative constructions that focus on femme fatales, psychological and sexual trauma, and economic precarity, and how these have continued in contemporary popular culture to shore up notions of Western cultural and political superiority. The characters and the situations in which they find themselves, as spies, assassins, and double agents, continue to send messages about danger and dominance regarding both gender and geopolitics.

The Hulu series The Great, an ahistorical satire of the eighteenth-century Russian Empire, set at the courts of Peter III and Catherine II, doubles as a critique of contemporary politics and culture. Created for Anglophone audiences with little knowledge of history, but aware of stereotypes of Russia as a despotic, dysfunctional backwater, the show's appeal rests on the love-hate relationship between Peter the bro-emperor and the “girlboss” empress Catherine, as well as the expectation that Catherine, ultimately, will “have-it-all.” This article examines the gender dynamics structuring Peter's and Catherine's narrative arcs and argues that Catherine's trajectory from naïve, self-declared enlightened European princess to skilled, pragmatic ruler undermines Peter's attempt to liberate himself from an outdated model of masculinity.

This article analyzes the Netflix six-part docudrama The Last Czars as well as the Amazon Prime anthology drama The Romanoffs for its representations of Russian imperial history and its heritage. Using an intersectional lens, it utilizes a close watching of the TV shows to identify a nostalgia for Russia's imperial legacy as core element of both series. Embedding the findings within popular culture, the analysis further shows that the nostalgic depiction of the last Russian imperial family and the mourning of their loss has a century-long history within American media. Comparing these depictions further to recent commemorations of the last Romanovs through the exhibitions Russia My History points to the Western complicity in Russian imperialist and colonial ideology through the recent shows in liberal American media.

Alexander Lemtov, the Russian antagonist of Netflix's 2020 musical comedy Eurovision Song Contest: The Story of Fire Saga, embodies and dramatizes contentions over Russian homophobia, disavowals of homosexuality in Russian entertainment, and the construction of LGBTQ+ equality as a defining value of ‘European’ space which have surrounded the real-life Eurovision Song Contest since the mid-2000s. An assertively-heterosexual sex symbol in public, Lemtov in private exemplifies the trope of the closeted gay entertainer whose performances of machismo allow him to hide his admiration for the male body in plain sight. His depiction could potentially open space for exploring how other queer male Russian entertainers have historically negotiated homophobia but is constrained within a liberal sexual geopolitics that demands further recontextualization following Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

This special issue features historical scholars of imperial Russia and the Soviet Union analyzing representations of Russian and East European characters and history in contemporary Anglophone television and films, such as The Americans, Black Widow, The Great, For All Mankind, and Eurovision Song Contest: The Story of Fire Saga. They identify several tropes that shore up Anglosphere conceptions of progressiveness, liberalism, feminism, and even whiteness in ways that put pressure on geopolitics today, which some have characterized as a second Cold War. Gender and sexuality are dominant themes through which difference between the West and Eastern Europe is commonly staged onscreen. Debate emerges on whether this is a return to twentieth-century thinking or a new vision of Russian and East European otherness.

American and Western audiences have long come to understand Soviet and Russian womanhood, and thus US womanhood, from representations in popular televisual texts. While there is a long history of popular culture presenting the “othered” women of Eastern Europe, for example as temptress “Bond girls” during the Cold War, these narratives have continued onscreen into the twenty-first century. We examine the myriad representations from both the Cold War and post-Cold War period, noting the typical narrative constructions that focus on femme fatales, psychological and sexual trauma, and economic precarity, and how these have continued in contemporary popular culture to shore up notions of Western cultural and political superiority. The characters and the situations in which they find themselves, as spies, assassins, and double agents, continue to send messages about danger and dominance regarding both gender and geopolitics.

The Hulu series The Great, an ahistorical satire of the eighteenth-century Russian Empire, set at the courts of Peter III and Catherine II, doubles as a critique of contemporary politics and culture. Created for Anglophone audiences with little knowledge of history, but aware of stereotypes of Russia as a despotic, dysfunctional backwater, the show's appeal rests on the love-hate relationship between Peter the bro-emperor and the “girlboss” empress Catherine, as well as the expectation that Catherine, ultimately, will “have-it-all.” This article examines the gender dynamics structuring Peter's and Catherine's narrative arcs and argues that Catherine's trajectory from naïve, self-declared enlightened European princess to skilled, pragmatic ruler undermines Peter's attempt to liberate himself from an outdated model of masculinity.

This article analyzes the Netflix six-part docudrama The Last Czars as well as the Amazon Prime anthology drama The Romanoffs for its representations of Russian imperial history and its heritage. Using an intersectional lens, it utilizes a close watching of the TV shows to identify a nostalgia for Russia's imperial legacy as core element of both series. Embedding the findings within popular culture, the analysis further shows that the nostalgic depiction of the last Russian imperial family and the mourning of their loss has a century-long history within American media. Comparing these depictions further to recent commemorations of the last Romanovs through the exhibitions Russia My History points to the Western complicity in Russian imperialist and colonial ideology through the recent shows in liberal American media.

Alexander Lemtov, the Russian antagonist of Netflix's 2020 musical comedy Eurovision Song Contest: The Story of Fire Saga, embodies and dramatizes contentions over Russian homophobia, disavowals of homosexuality in Russian entertainment, and the construction of LGBTQ+ equality as a defining value of ‘European’ space which have surrounded the real-life Eurovision Song Contest since the mid-2000s. An assertively-heterosexual sex symbol in public, Lemtov in private exemplifies the trope of the closeted gay entertainer whose performances of machismo allow him to hide his admiration for the male body in plain sight. His depiction could potentially open space for exploring how other queer male Russian entertainers have historically negotiated homophobia but is constrained within a liberal sexual geopolitics that demands further recontextualization following Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

This article discusses portrayals of a Ukrainian and a Polish character on the US sitcom 2 Broke Girls (2011–2017). The pilot episode reveals that the showrunners used stereotypes of Russian characters to establish different national origins for Oleg and Sophie. The show perpetuates offensive stereotypes of Slavic and postsocialist characters to elide differences from Russians but with notable distinctions—stemming from Oleg and Sophie's economic backgrounds in the struggling postsocialist economies of the 1990s. American television has produced many comedic characters from the European margins (Greek, Czech, Ukrainian, Polish, Latvian, or from invented but East European-coded lands) who were understood as chaotic but loveable. Crucially, however, they were not Russian. From the late Cold War through the 2010s, Russianness onscreen seems to consistently signal dishonesty, danger, or hopelessness for Western audiences. This suggests that while stereotypes persist, in comedy, at least, showrunners use East Europeans to support, not threaten, American characters, further othering Russianness.

This special issue features historical scholars of imperial Russia and the Soviet Union analyzing representations of Russian and East European characters and history in contemporary Anglophone television and films, such as The Americans, Black Widow, The Great, For All Mankind, and Eurovision Song Contest: The Story of Fire Saga. They identify several tropes that shore up Anglosphere conceptions of progressiveness, liberalism, feminism, and even whiteness in ways that put pressure on geopolitics today, which some have characterized as a second Cold War. Gender and sexuality are dominant themes through which difference between the West and Eastern Europe is commonly staged onscreen. Debate emerges on whether this is a return to twentieth-century thinking or a new vision of Russian and East European otherness.

American and Western audiences have long come to understand Soviet and Russian womanhood, and thus US womanhood, from representations in popular televisual texts. While there is a long history of popular culture presenting the “othered” women of Eastern Europe, for example as temptress “Bond girls” during the Cold War, these narratives have continued onscreen into the twenty-first century. We examine the myriad representations from both the Cold War and post-Cold War period, noting the typical narrative constructions that focus on femme fatales, psychological and sexual trauma, and economic precarity, and how these have continued in contemporary popular culture to shore up notions of Western cultural and political superiority. The characters and the situations in which they find themselves, as spies, assassins, and double agents, continue to send messages about danger and dominance regarding both gender and geopolitics.

The Hulu series The Great, an ahistorical satire of the eighteenth-century Russian Empire, set at the courts of Peter III and Catherine II, doubles as a critique of contemporary politics and culture. Created for Anglophone audiences with little knowledge of history, but aware of stereotypes of Russia as a despotic, dysfunctional backwater, the show's appeal rests on the love-hate relationship between Peter the bro-emperor and the “girlboss” empress Catherine, as well as the expectation that Catherine, ultimately, will “have-it-all.” This article examines the gender dynamics structuring Peter's and Catherine's narrative arcs and argues that Catherine's trajectory from naïve, self-declared enlightened European princess to skilled, pragmatic ruler undermines Peter's attempt to liberate himself from an outdated model of masculinity.

This article analyzes the Netflix six-part docudrama The Last Czars as well as the Amazon Prime anthology drama The Romanoffs for its representations of Russian imperial history and its heritage. Using an intersectional lens, it utilizes a close watching of the TV shows to identify a nostalgia for Russia's imperial legacy as core element of both series. Embedding the findings within popular culture, the analysis further shows that the nostalgic depiction of the last Russian imperial family and the mourning of their loss has a century-long history within American media. Comparing these depictions further to recent commemorations of the last Romanovs through the exhibitions Russia My History points to the Western complicity in Russian imperialist and colonial ideology through the recent shows in liberal American media.

Alexander Lemtov, the Russian antagonist of Netflix's 2020 musical comedy Eurovision Song Contest: The Story of Fire Saga, embodies and dramatizes contentions over Russian homophobia, disavowals of homosexuality in Russian entertainment, and the construction of LGBTQ+ equality as a defining value of ‘European’ space which have surrounded the real-life Eurovision Song Contest since the mid-2000s. An assertively-heterosexual sex symbol in public, Lemtov in private exemplifies the trope of the closeted gay entertainer whose performances of machismo allow him to hide his admiration for the male body in plain sight. His depiction could potentially open space for exploring how other queer male Russian entertainers have historically negotiated homophobia but is constrained within a liberal sexual geopolitics that demands further recontextualization following Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

This article discusses portrayals of a Ukrainian and a Polish character on the US sitcom 2 Broke Girls (2011–2017). The pilot episode reveals that the showrunners used stereotypes of Russian characters to establish different national origins for Oleg and Sophie. The show perpetuates offensive stereotypes of Slavic and postsocialist characters to elide differences from Russians but with notable distinctions—stemming from Oleg and Sophie's economic backgrounds in the struggling postsocialist economies of the 1990s. American television has produced many comedic characters from the European margins (Greek, Czech, Ukrainian, Polish, Latvian, or from invented but East European-coded lands) who were understood as chaotic but loveable. Crucially, however, they were not Russian. From the late Cold War through the 2010s, Russianness onscreen seems to consistently signal dishonesty, danger, or hopelessness for Western audiences. This suggests that while stereotypes persist, in comedy, at least, showrunners use East Europeans to support, not threaten, American characters, further othering Russianness.

This article analyzes two recent streaming series—the third season of Tom Clancy's Jack Ryan (Prime, USA, 2022) and the limited series Treason (Netflix, UK, 2022)—as aspects of “Cold War II,” the increasingly common term for the resurgence of anti-Russian attitudes and stereotypes in Anglophone cinema and television that has been apparent since 2010. These two series reflect a shared fear of Russians and offer interesting and illuminating points of comparison, especially regarding their definitions of the threat (internal or external), the battleground (at home or abroad), and strategies for confronting the enemy (shoot ’em up or run and hide). At the same time, these series reflect different national concerns, with Jack Ryan 3 as one of many US-produced spy thrillers that trumpet aggressive, offensive action in a way that deflects attention from the country's serious divisions and protracted domestic crises. Treason, on the other hand, engages with British concerns over corruption in the UK's police and security services. Finally, the series’ differing treatments of the relationship of the not-so-distant past to present dangers (real and perceived) is also noteworthy, if puzzling; the demise of the Soviet Union is central to the crisis in Jack Ryan 3 but only glancingly mentioned in Treason.

This special issue features historical scholars of imperial Russia and the Soviet Union analyzing representations of Russian and East European characters and history in contemporary Anglophone television and films, such as The Americans, Black Widow, The Great, For All Mankind, and Eurovision Song Contest: The Story of Fire Saga. They identify several tropes that shore up Anglosphere conceptions of progressiveness, liberalism, feminism, and even whiteness in ways that put pressure on geopolitics today, which some have characterized as a second Cold War. Gender and sexuality are dominant themes through which difference between the West and Eastern Europe is commonly staged onscreen. Debate emerges on whether this is a return to twentieth-century thinking or a new vision of Russian and East European otherness.

American and Western audiences have long come to understand Soviet and Russian womanhood, and thus US womanhood, from representations in popular televisual texts. While there is a long history of popular culture presenting the “othered” women of Eastern Europe, for example as temptress “Bond girls” during the Cold War, these narratives have continued onscreen into the twenty-first century. We examine the myriad representations from both the Cold War and post-Cold War period, noting the typical narrative constructions that focus on femme fatales, psychological and sexual trauma, and economic precarity, and how these have continued in contemporary popular culture to shore up notions of Western cultural and political superiority. The characters and the situations in which they find themselves, as spies, assassins, and double agents, continue to send messages about danger and dominance regarding both gender and geopolitics.

The Hulu series The Great, an ahistorical satire of the eighteenth-century Russian Empire, set at the courts of Peter III and Catherine II, doubles as a critique of contemporary politics and culture. Created for Anglophone audiences with little knowledge of history, but aware of stereotypes of Russia as a despotic, dysfunctional backwater, the show's appeal rests on the love-hate relationship between Peter the bro-emperor and the “girlboss” empress Catherine, as well as the expectation that Catherine, ultimately, will “have-it-all.” This article examines the gender dynamics structuring Peter's and Catherine's narrative arcs and argues that Catherine's trajectory from naïve, self-declared enlightened European princess to skilled, pragmatic ruler undermines Peter's attempt to liberate himself from an outdated model of masculinity.

This article analyzes the Netflix six-part docudrama The Last Czars as well as the Amazon Prime anthology drama The Romanoffs for its representations of Russian imperial history and its heritage. Using an intersectional lens, it utilizes a close watching of the TV shows to identify a nostalgia for Russia's imperial legacy as core element of both series. Embedding the findings within popular culture, the analysis further shows that the nostalgic depiction of the last Russian imperial family and the mourning of their loss has a century-long history within American media. Comparing these depictions further to recent commemorations of the last Romanovs through the exhibitions Russia My History points to the Western complicity in Russian imperialist and colonial ideology through the recent shows in liberal American media.

Alexander Lemtov, the Russian antagonist of Netflix's 2020 musical comedy Eurovision Song Contest: The Story of Fire Saga, embodies and dramatizes contentions over Russian homophobia, disavowals of homosexuality in Russian entertainment, and the construction of LGBTQ+ equality as a defining value of ‘European’ space which have surrounded the real-life Eurovision Song Contest since the mid-2000s. An assertively-heterosexual sex symbol in public, Lemtov in private exemplifies the trope of the closeted gay entertainer whose performances of machismo allow him to hide his admiration for the male body in plain sight. His depiction could potentially open space for exploring how other queer male Russian entertainers have historically negotiated homophobia but is constrained within a liberal sexual geopolitics that demands further recontextualization following Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

This article discusses portrayals of a Ukrainian and a Polish character on the US sitcom 2 Broke Girls (2011–2017). The pilot episode reveals that the showrunners used stereotypes of Russian characters to establish different national origins for Oleg and Sophie. The show perpetuates offensive stereotypes of Slavic and postsocialist characters to elide differences from Russians but with notable distinctions—stemming from Oleg and Sophie's economic backgrounds in the struggling postsocialist economies of the 1990s. American television has produced many comedic characters from the European margins (Greek, Czech, Ukrainian, Polish, Latvian, or from invented but East European-coded lands) who were understood as chaotic but loveable. Crucially, however, they were not Russian. From the late Cold War through the 2010s, Russianness onscreen seems to consistently signal dishonesty, danger, or hopelessness for Western audiences. This suggests that while stereotypes persist, in comedy, at least, showrunners use East Europeans to support, not threaten, American characters, further othering Russianness.

This article analyzes two recent streaming series—the third season of Tom Clancy's Jack Ryan (Prime, USA, 2022) and the limited series Treason (Netflix, UK, 2022)—as aspects of “Cold War II,” the increasingly common term for the resurgence of anti-Russian attitudes and stereotypes in Anglophone cinema and television that has been apparent since 2010. These two series reflect a shared fear of Russians and offer interesting and illuminating points of comparison, especially regarding their definitions of the threat (internal or external), the battleground (at home or abroad), and strategies for confronting the enemy (shoot ’em up or run and hide). At the same time, these series reflect different national concerns, with Jack Ryan 3 as one of many US-produced spy thrillers that trumpet aggressive, offensive action in a way that deflects attention from the country's serious divisions and protracted domestic crises. Treason, on the other hand, engages with British concerns over corruption in the UK's police and security services. Finally, the series’ differing treatments of the relationship of the not-so-distant past to present dangers (real and perceived) is also noteworthy, if puzzling; the demise of the Soviet Union is central to the crisis in Jack Ryan 3 but only glancingly mentioned in Treason.

The Apple+ television series For All Mankind imagines an alternative history in which the Soviets beat the United States to the moon and the Cold War space race never ends. Gender politics and associated dynamics are central to the action. This article explores plotlines involving two fictional cosmonauts: the first woman on the moon and a male crew member stationed at the Soviet's lunar base. It finds that FAM reinforces Cold War tropes, anxieties, and “us vs them” formulations. FAM's writers miss the opportunity to probe the complexities of gender and personhood in the late Soviet era. Instead of encouraging more nuanced thinking about “the Russians,” FAM's universe perpetuates Cold War sensibilities that promote competition and conflict on Earth and in space.

This special issue features historical scholars of imperial Russia and the Soviet Union analyzing representations of Russian and East European characters and history in contemporary Anglophone television and films, such as The Americans, Black Widow, The Great, For All Mankind, and Eurovision Song Contest: The Story of Fire Saga. They identify several tropes that shore up Anglosphere conceptions of progressiveness, liberalism, feminism, and even whiteness in ways that put pressure on geopolitics today, which some have characterized as a second Cold War. Gender and sexuality are dominant themes through which difference between the West and Eastern Europe is commonly staged onscreen. Debate emerges on whether this is a return to twentieth-century thinking or a new vision of Russian and East European otherness.

American and Western audiences have long come to understand Soviet and Russian womanhood, and thus US womanhood, from representations in popular televisual texts. While there is a long history of popular culture presenting the “othered” women of Eastern Europe, for example as temptress “Bond girls” during the Cold War, these narratives have continued onscreen into the twenty-first century. We examine the myriad representations from both the Cold War and post-Cold War period, noting the typical narrative constructions that focus on femme fatales, psychological and sexual trauma, and economic precarity, and how these have continued in contemporary popular culture to shore up notions of Western cultural and political superiority. The characters and the situations in which they find themselves, as spies, assassins, and double agents, continue to send messages about danger and dominance regarding both gender and geopolitics.

The Hulu series The Great, an ahistorical satire of the eighteenth-century Russian Empire, set at the courts of Peter III and Catherine II, doubles as a critique of contemporary politics and culture. Created for Anglophone audiences with little knowledge of history, but aware of stereotypes of Russia as a despotic, dysfunctional backwater, the show's appeal rests on the love-hate relationship between Peter the bro-emperor and the “girlboss” empress Catherine, as well as the expectation that Catherine, ultimately, will “have-it-all.” This article examines the gender dynamics structuring Peter's and Catherine's narrative arcs and argues that Catherine's trajectory from naïve, self-declared enlightened European princess to skilled, pragmatic ruler undermines Peter's attempt to liberate himself from an outdated model of masculinity.

This article analyzes the Netflix six-part docudrama The Last Czars as well as the Amazon Prime anthology drama The Romanoffs for its representations of Russian imperial history and its heritage. Using an intersectional lens, it utilizes a close watching of the TV shows to identify a nostalgia for Russia's imperial legacy as core element of both series. Embedding the findings within popular culture, the analysis further shows that the nostalgic depiction of the last Russian imperial family and the mourning of their loss has a century-long history within American media. Comparing these depictions further to recent commemorations of the last Romanovs through the exhibitions Russia My History points to the Western complicity in Russian imperialist and colonial ideology through the recent shows in liberal American media.

Alexander Lemtov, the Russian antagonist of Netflix's 2020 musical comedy Eurovision Song Contest: The Story of Fire Saga, embodies and dramatizes contentions over Russian homophobia, disavowals of homosexuality in Russian entertainment, and the construction of LGBTQ+ equality as a defining value of ‘European’ space which have surrounded the real-life Eurovision Song Contest since the mid-2000s. An assertively-heterosexual sex symbol in public, Lemtov in private exemplifies the trope of the closeted gay entertainer whose performances of machismo allow him to hide his admiration for the male body in plain sight. His depiction could potentially open space for exploring how other queer male Russian entertainers have historically negotiated homophobia but is constrained within a liberal sexual geopolitics that demands further recontextualization following Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

This article discusses portrayals of a Ukrainian and a Polish character on the US sitcom 2 Broke Girls (2011–2017). The pilot episode reveals that the showrunners used stereotypes of Russian characters to establish different national origins for Oleg and Sophie. The show perpetuates offensive stereotypes of Slavic and postsocialist characters to elide differences from Russians but with notable distinctions—stemming from Oleg and Sophie's economic backgrounds in the struggling postsocialist economies of the 1990s. American television has produced many comedic characters from the European margins (Greek, Czech, Ukrainian, Polish, Latvian, or from invented but East European-coded lands) who were understood as chaotic but loveable. Crucially, however, they were not Russian. From the late Cold War through the 2010s, Russianness onscreen seems to consistently signal dishonesty, danger, or hopelessness for Western audiences. This suggests that while stereotypes persist, in comedy, at least, showrunners use East Europeans to support, not threaten, American characters, further othering Russianness.

This article analyzes two recent streaming series—the third season of Tom Clancy's Jack Ryan (Prime, USA, 2022) and the limited series Treason (Netflix, UK, 2022)—as aspects of “Cold War II,” the increasingly common term for the resurgence of anti-Russian attitudes and stereotypes in Anglophone cinema and television that has been apparent since 2010. These two series reflect a shared fear of Russians and offer interesting and illuminating points of comparison, especially regarding their definitions of the threat (internal or external), the battleground (at home or abroad), and strategies for confronting the enemy (shoot ’em up or run and hide). At the same time, these series reflect different national concerns, with Jack Ryan 3 as one of many US-produced spy thrillers that trumpet aggressive, offensive action in a way that deflects attention from the country's serious divisions and protracted domestic crises. Treason, on the other hand, engages with British concerns over corruption in the UK's police and security services. Finally, the series’ differing treatments of the relationship of the not-so-distant past to present dangers (real and perceived) is also noteworthy, if puzzling; the demise of the Soviet Union is central to the crisis in Jack Ryan 3 but only glancingly mentioned in Treason.

The Apple+ television series For All Mankind imagines an alternative history in which the Soviets beat the United States to the moon and the Cold War space race never ends. Gender politics and associated dynamics are central to the action. This article explores plotlines involving two fictional cosmonauts: the first woman on the moon and a male crew member stationed at the Soviet's lunar base. It finds that FAM reinforces Cold War tropes, anxieties, and “us vs them” formulations. FAM's writers miss the opportunity to probe the complexities of gender and personhood in the late Soviet era. Instead of encouraging more nuanced thinking about “the Russians,” FAM's universe perpetuates Cold War sensibilities that promote competition and conflict on Earth and in space.

In June of 2010, a Canadian couple, Donald Heathfield and Tracey Lee Ann Foley, was arrested in Cambridge, Massachusetts, as the KGB “sleeper agents.” These KGB agents (Andrei Bezrukov and Elena Vavilova) lived in Canada since 1992, and in the United States since 1999, working for the Russian intelligence as “a sleeper cell” of the Russian spies. This story became an inspiration for the American TV show The Americans (2013–2018). Using the reviews of this TV show from the United States and Russia, the interviews with the real participants of the events of 2010 and with the retired KGB officers, the KGB documents from the SBU Archive in Kyiv, Ukraine, this article is an attempt to study how the special KGB/FSB operations in the USA, portrayed in one American TV series became an object of fascination and “fictionalization” on the both—American and Russian—sides of the geo-political conflict.

The article examines the significance of J. G. Herder's analogical thinking in the history of comparative practices. It shows how Herder's comparative method, of positing one phenomenon as another in its own singular and inimitable manner, emerges from his concept of God and nature as informed by Baruch Spinoza, as well as his study of scientific and cultural phenomena, including the active mechanisms of poesis as sensory perception. While Herder's concept of comparison and his analogical practices influenced prominent thinkers contemporary to him such as J.W. Goethe, the specificity of his comparative method has been overlooked by scholars past and present, such as Michel Foucault, as Herder's approach resists assimilation in histories of comparativism centered on nineteenth-century projects of comparison. Yet his outlook on the tension between difference and identity offers fresh insight into relations between distinct cultures and entities without effacing their particularity or placing them in static hierarchies. Herder's comparative method provides new perspectives on contemporary debates on the benefits of and dangers of historical analogies.

The article examines the significance of J. G. Herder's analogical thinking in the history of comparative practices. It shows how Herder's comparative method, of positing one phenomenon as another in its own singular and inimitable manner, emerges from his concept of God and nature as informed by Baruch Spinoza, as well as his study of scientific and cultural phenomena, including the active mechanisms of poesis as sensory perception. While Herder's concept of comparison and his analogical practices influenced prominent thinkers contemporary to him such as J.W. Goethe, the specificity of his comparative method has been overlooked by scholars past and present, such as Michel Foucault, as Herder's approach resists assimilation in histories of comparativism centered on nineteenth-century projects of comparison. Yet his outlook on the tension between difference and identity offers fresh insight into relations between distinct cultures and entities without effacing their particularity or placing them in static hierarchies. Herder's comparative method provides new perspectives on contemporary debates on the benefits of and dangers of historical analogies.

This article presents a broad and comparative examination of property formation in the French and English plantation colonies of the Caribbean and the southern North American mainland. It considers the connections between claims to exclusive control over human beings and claims to portions of the earth's surface. In the two early modern empires, planters pushed consistently and successfully to remove social, legal, and ecological constraints that limited their full control over their human and terrestrial property. Moreover, they insisted on legally fusing fields and workers, assimilating slaves to the category of real estate for purposes of inheritance and legal liability for debt. By the mid-eighteenth century, the French and British colonies had developed precociously modern capitalist property forms. In the Age of Revolutions, ideologues from plantation colonies, such as Thomas Jefferson and Michel-René Hilliard d'Auberteuil, emerged as radical advocates of absolute private property rights.

The article examines the significance of J. G. Herder's analogical thinking in the history of comparative practices. It shows how Herder's comparative method, of positing one phenomenon as another in its own singular and inimitable manner, emerges from his concept of God and nature as informed by Baruch Spinoza, as well as his study of scientific and cultural phenomena, including the active mechanisms of poesis as sensory perception. While Herder's concept of comparison and his analogical practices influenced prominent thinkers contemporary to him such as J.W. Goethe, the specificity of his comparative method has been overlooked by scholars past and present, such as Michel Foucault, as Herder's approach resists assimilation in histories of comparativism centered on nineteenth-century projects of comparison. Yet his outlook on the tension between difference and identity offers fresh insight into relations between distinct cultures and entities without effacing their particularity or placing them in static hierarchies. Herder's comparative method provides new perspectives on contemporary debates on the benefits of and dangers of historical analogies.

This article presents a broad and comparative examination of property formation in the French and English plantation colonies of the Caribbean and the southern North American mainland. It considers the connections between claims to exclusive control over human beings and claims to portions of the earth's surface. In the two early modern empires, planters pushed consistently and successfully to remove social, legal, and ecological constraints that limited their full control over their human and terrestrial property. Moreover, they insisted on legally fusing fields and workers, assimilating slaves to the category of real estate for purposes of inheritance and legal liability for debt. By the mid-eighteenth century, the French and British colonies had developed precociously modern capitalist property forms. In the Age of Revolutions, ideologues from plantation colonies, such as Thomas Jefferson and Michel-René Hilliard d'Auberteuil, emerged as radical advocates of absolute private property rights.

The deists have commonly been characterized as irreligious thinkers who believed in a distant and inactive deity. This characterization of deism is undermined by the large number of French Revolutionary deists who believed that God worked miracles. Some French Revolutionary deists claimed that God continually led the French armies to victory, while others said that God worked a single miracle. After eliminating the French Revolutionaries who were following the party line when Maximilien Robespierre was in power, there were 72 French Revolutionary deists who believed God worked miracles to help the French Revolution. The French Revolutionary deists shared a common theology with the earlier deists, and many earlier deists also believed that God worked miracles. The Enlightenment deists were much more religious than commonly thought.

The article examines the significance of J. G. Herder's analogical thinking in the history of comparative practices. It shows how Herder's comparative method, of positing one phenomenon as another in its own singular and inimitable manner, emerges from his concept of God and nature as informed by Baruch Spinoza, as well as his study of scientific and cultural phenomena, including the active mechanisms of poesis as sensory perception. While Herder's concept of comparison and his analogical practices influenced prominent thinkers contemporary to him such as J.W. Goethe, the specificity of his comparative method has been overlooked by scholars past and present, such as Michel Foucault, as Herder's approach resists assimilation in histories of comparativism centered on nineteenth-century projects of comparison. Yet his outlook on the tension between difference and identity offers fresh insight into relations between distinct cultures and entities without effacing their particularity or placing them in static hierarchies. Herder's comparative method provides new perspectives on contemporary debates on the benefits of and dangers of historical analogies.

This article presents a broad and comparative examination of property formation in the French and English plantation colonies of the Caribbean and the southern North American mainland. It considers the connections between claims to exclusive control over human beings and claims to portions of the earth's surface. In the two early modern empires, planters pushed consistently and successfully to remove social, legal, and ecological constraints that limited their full control over their human and terrestrial property. Moreover, they insisted on legally fusing fields and workers, assimilating slaves to the category of real estate for purposes of inheritance and legal liability for debt. By the mid-eighteenth century, the French and British colonies had developed precociously modern capitalist property forms. In the Age of Revolutions, ideologues from plantation colonies, such as Thomas Jefferson and Michel-René Hilliard d'Auberteuil, emerged as radical advocates of absolute private property rights.

The deists have commonly been characterized as irreligious thinkers who believed in a distant and inactive deity. This characterization of deism is undermined by the large number of French Revolutionary deists who believed that God worked miracles. Some French Revolutionary deists claimed that God continually led the French armies to victory, while others said that God worked a single miracle. After eliminating the French Revolutionaries who were following the party line when Maximilien Robespierre was in power, there were 72 French Revolutionary deists who believed God worked miracles to help the French Revolution. The French Revolutionary deists shared a common theology with the earlier deists, and many earlier deists also believed that God worked miracles. The Enlightenment deists were much more religious than commonly thought.

This article examines the pedagogic creeds published in New York and Chicago during 1896 and 1897 in The School Journal. The configuration of ideas framing the creeds reveals the dynamics of modernities and transatlantic crossings, mainly the ideas of Georg W. F. Hegel, Herbert Spencer, Friedrich Froebel, Johann Friedrich Herbart, and Wilhelm Wundt and their contextual adaptation. The creeds are analyzed at the interplay of evolutionism and its versions, including Lamarckianism, developments in psychology, the intersection of Protestantism, and the gendered and racial ordering of society. The child study movement and theories of recapitulation also had a presence. The creeds provide a picture of the ideas at the fin de siècle. They were aimed at reform with various agendas that included social reconstruction with a modernist civilizing agenda, segregationism, and residential/boarding schools for Indigenous children. John Dewey's more well-known and influential creed brought its own unique avenues through his embracement of pragmatism.

The article examines the significance of J. G. Herder's analogical thinking in the history of comparative practices. It shows how Herder's comparative method, of positing one phenomenon as another in its own singular and inimitable manner, emerges from his concept of God and nature as informed by Baruch Spinoza, as well as his study of scientific and cultural phenomena, including the active mechanisms of poesis as sensory perception. While Herder's concept of comparison and his analogical practices influenced prominent thinkers contemporary to him such as J.W. Goethe, the specificity of his comparative method has been overlooked by scholars past and present, such as Michel Foucault, as Herder's approach resists assimilation in histories of comparativism centered on nineteenth-century projects of comparison. Yet his outlook on the tension between difference and identity offers fresh insight into relations between distinct cultures and entities without effacing their particularity or placing them in static hierarchies. Herder's comparative method provides new perspectives on contemporary debates on the benefits of and dangers of historical analogies.

This article presents a broad and comparative examination of property formation in the French and English plantation colonies of the Caribbean and the southern North American mainland. It considers the connections between claims to exclusive control over human beings and claims to portions of the earth's surface. In the two early modern empires, planters pushed consistently and successfully to remove social, legal, and ecological constraints that limited their full control over their human and terrestrial property. Moreover, they insisted on legally fusing fields and workers, assimilating slaves to the category of real estate for purposes of inheritance and legal liability for debt. By the mid-eighteenth century, the French and British colonies had developed precociously modern capitalist property forms. In the Age of Revolutions, ideologues from plantation colonies, such as Thomas Jefferson and Michel-René Hilliard d'Auberteuil, emerged as radical advocates of absolute private property rights.

The deists have commonly been characterized as irreligious thinkers who believed in a distant and inactive deity. This characterization of deism is undermined by the large number of French Revolutionary deists who believed that God worked miracles. Some French Revolutionary deists claimed that God continually led the French armies to victory, while others said that God worked a single miracle. After eliminating the French Revolutionaries who were following the party line when Maximilien Robespierre was in power, there were 72 French Revolutionary deists who believed God worked miracles to help the French Revolution. The French Revolutionary deists shared a common theology with the earlier deists, and many earlier deists also believed that God worked miracles. The Enlightenment deists were much more religious than commonly thought.

This article examines the pedagogic creeds published in New York and Chicago during 1896 and 1897 in The School Journal. The configuration of ideas framing the creeds reveals the dynamics of modernities and transatlantic crossings, mainly the ideas of Georg W. F. Hegel, Herbert Spencer, Friedrich Froebel, Johann Friedrich Herbart, and Wilhelm Wundt and their contextual adaptation. The creeds are analyzed at the interplay of evolutionism and its versions, including Lamarckianism, developments in psychology, the intersection of Protestantism, and the gendered and racial ordering of society. The child study movement and theories of recapitulation also had a presence. The creeds provide a picture of the ideas at the fin de siècle. They were aimed at reform with various agendas that included social reconstruction with a modernist civilizing agenda, segregationism, and residential/boarding schools for Indigenous children. John Dewey's more well-known and influential creed brought its own unique avenues through his embracement of pragmatism.

In the aftermath of the French Revolution, Georg W. F. Hegel labeled it a “world-historical” event. Just a few decades later, Karl Marx was equally fascinated by this Revolution, contributing to the notion that it served as a global turning point that would bend European society toward a post-feudal, modern world. Though scholars of postcolonial studies have long scrutinized these nineteenth-century thinkers’ narratives of progress, they played a large part in cementing the French Revolution's place in world history. Scholars of French studies have recently challenged long-held notions of French exceptionalism. This article explores the relationship between postcolonial studies and global history, both tenuous and complementary, as they relate to the emerging field of global French studies. Providing a reading of these intersecting methods in the historiography of both the French Revolution and 1968 in France, I contend that postcolonial studies is a form of global history.

The article examines the significance of J. G. Herder's analogical thinking in the history of comparative practices. It shows how Herder's comparative method, of positing one phenomenon as another in its own singular and inimitable manner, emerges from his concept of God and nature as informed by Baruch Spinoza, as well as his study of scientific and cultural phenomena, including the active mechanisms of poesis as sensory perception. While Herder's concept of comparison and his analogical practices influenced prominent thinkers contemporary to him such as J.W. Goethe, the specificity of his comparative method has been overlooked by scholars past and present, such as Michel Foucault, as Herder's approach resists assimilation in histories of comparativism centered on nineteenth-century projects of comparison. Yet his outlook on the tension between difference and identity offers fresh insight into relations between distinct cultures and entities without effacing their particularity or placing them in static hierarchies. Herder's comparative method provides new perspectives on contemporary debates on the benefits of and dangers of historical analogies.

This article presents a broad and comparative examination of property formation in the French and English plantation colonies of the Caribbean and the southern North American mainland. It considers the connections between claims to exclusive control over human beings and claims to portions of the earth's surface. In the two early modern empires, planters pushed consistently and successfully to remove social, legal, and ecological constraints that limited their full control over their human and terrestrial property. Moreover, they insisted on legally fusing fields and workers, assimilating slaves to the category of real estate for purposes of inheritance and legal liability for debt. By the mid-eighteenth century, the French and British colonies had developed precociously modern capitalist property forms. In the Age of Revolutions, ideologues from plantation colonies, such as Thomas Jefferson and Michel-René Hilliard d'Auberteuil, emerged as radical advocates of absolute private property rights.

The deists have commonly been characterized as irreligious thinkers who believed in a distant and inactive deity. This characterization of deism is undermined by the large number of French Revolutionary deists who believed that God worked miracles. Some French Revolutionary deists claimed that God continually led the French armies to victory, while others said that God worked a single miracle. After eliminating the French Revolutionaries who were following the party line when Maximilien Robespierre was in power, there were 72 French Revolutionary deists who believed God worked miracles to help the French Revolution. The French Revolutionary deists shared a common theology with the earlier deists, and many earlier deists also believed that God worked miracles. The Enlightenment deists were much more religious than commonly thought.

This article examines the pedagogic creeds published in New York and Chicago during 1896 and 1897 in The School Journal. The configuration of ideas framing the creeds reveals the dynamics of modernities and transatlantic crossings, mainly the ideas of Georg W. F. Hegel, Herbert Spencer, Friedrich Froebel, Johann Friedrich Herbart, and Wilhelm Wundt and their contextual adaptation. The creeds are analyzed at the interplay of evolutionism and its versions, including Lamarckianism, developments in psychology, the intersection of Protestantism, and the gendered and racial ordering of society. The child study movement and theories of recapitulation also had a presence. The creeds provide a picture of the ideas at the fin de siècle. They were aimed at reform with various agendas that included social reconstruction with a modernist civilizing agenda, segregationism, and residential/boarding schools for Indigenous children. John Dewey's more well-known and influential creed brought its own unique avenues through his embracement of pragmatism.

In the aftermath of the French Revolution, Georg W. F. Hegel labeled it a “world-historical” event. Just a few decades later, Karl Marx was equally fascinated by this Revolution, contributing to the notion that it served as a global turning point that would bend European society toward a post-feudal, modern world. Though scholars of postcolonial studies have long scrutinized these nineteenth-century thinkers’ narratives of progress, they played a large part in cementing the French Revolution's place in world history. Scholars of French studies have recently challenged long-held notions of French exceptionalism. This article explores the relationship between postcolonial studies and global history, both tenuous and complementary, as they relate to the emerging field of global French studies. Providing a reading of these intersecting methods in the historiography of both the French Revolution and 1968 in France, I contend that postcolonial studies is a form of global history.

François Hartog. Chronos: The West Confronts Time. New York: Columbia University Press, 2022. Chapter endnotes and index. 285 pp. (Hb) ISBN 978-0-231- 20312-8; (eBook) ISBN 978-0-231-55488-6. Hb $35; eBook $34.99.

Neil Kenny, ed. Literature, Learning and Social Hierarchy in Early Modern Europe. Proceedings of the British Academy no. 246. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2022. Index. 21 b/w ill. 291 pp. (Hb) ISBN 978-0-19-726733-2. $100

Arunima Datta. Waiting on Empire: A History of Indian Travelling Ayahs in Britain. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2023. Bibliography and index. 150 b/w ill. 320 pp. (Hb) ISBN: 978-0-19-284823-9; $45.

Gunnar Broberg. The Man Who Organized Nature: The Life of Linnaeus. Trans. Anna Paterson. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2023. Bibliography and index. 55 b/w ill. 17 color plates. 512 pp. (Hb) ISBN 978-0-691-21342-2. $39.95.

Have digital tools and methods accelerated the rate of scholarly production over the last 20 years? If so, has this acceleration been beneficial for scholarship? This article considers examples of accelerated historical scholarship as well as calls for a “slow history.” Through an analysis of the author's own experiences with the digital humanities, it examines the advantages and disadvantages of digital technologies in the field of history. It concludes that online resources and digital technologies have expanded the archive for the historian and created new ways to reach other specialists and the general public. Nevertheless, historical scholarship must still rely on carefully crafted, well-argued prose whose production cannot be accelerated by new digital technologies, although recent developments in the field of artificial intelligence may ultimately challenge this situation.

In recent decades, the field (or, at times, discipline) of digital humanities (DH) has revolutionized the scholarly profession and beyond—and with good reason. Seen at times as a democratizing force, DH has led to the creation of an increasing number of open- access databases and scholarly publications, the launching of massive archival digitization initiatives, and the development of numerous digital tools that help streamline the work of the academic researcher, student, and educator. In many ways, then, its benefits are manifest. Yet, recent years have also begun to reveal numerous problems that could influence various aspects of our trade as well as what—and how—information will be available in the future. This article discusses some of the advantages and disadvantages of DH and invites the reader to reflect on what we can do to help mitigate these problems.

Exciting new modes of digital scholarship have emerged in recent years, providing us with expanded windows onto the past. This process has been accelerated by somewhat democratized ways of digitizing and analyzing source material. A main issue of contemporary knowledge production using digitized sources is how power can so easily be reinscribed into access to archives. The choice to digitize collections, even the existence of collections themselves, creates a great opportunity for research but also runs the risk of reinforcing the privilege and worldviews that have shaped and continue to shape the very processes of digitization and digitalization. Drawing on examples of Western and non-Western digital scholarship, this article argues that, although the digital facilitates greater public knowledge of collections, when it comes to decolonizing our research subjects, it also introduces significant layers of complexity.

This article advances an analysis of the development and state of critical digital humanities. It posits two modalities for this approach to digital humanities (DH). The first is a modality of inward-looking, functional self-critique that comprises a rethinking of computational genesis stories, logics and methods, institutions and infrastructures, and digital capitalism, and the second is an outward-looking critique best understood as a form of situated sociopolitical engagement that embraces epistemic and social justice projects that are decolonial, anti-racist, inclusive, collaborative, and multilingual. Through these analyses, the article offers a vision of critical digital humanities in its mission to critique the ideologies, social inequities, and epistemological hierarchies that are built into technological products and computational logics and that are concomitantly fostered by knowledge- creation industries of universities, corporations, governments, and the GLAM[R] sector. In this way, the article shows how critical digital humanities helps us to envision the role that DH can play in processes of recovery, reparations, emancipation, and community-building.

Drawing upon over 20 years as Editor-in-Chief of H-France, I argue that the scholarly profession, established in Cold War era, pre-digital institutions, has only begun to adapt to the transformations introduced by the global digital humanities. A generational shift is currently underway as younger scholars more natively adept with digital technologies use their skills and forms of new media to press for changes in hiring and tenure practices, to demand greater progress on diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) issues, and to insist that the academy confront the collapse of academic positions in the humanities and provide training for and recognition of alternative career paths. I call upon professional organizations to undertake difficult conversations and take leadership in reshaping professional organizations for a post–Cold War, digital age, especially in terms of funding priorities. Scholarly organizations will best gain influence through collaboration.

Have digital tools and methods accelerated the rate of scholarly production over the last 20 years? If so, has this acceleration been beneficial for scholarship? This article considers examples of accelerated historical scholarship as well as calls for a “slow history.” Through an analysis of the author's own experiences with the digital humanities, it examines the advantages and disadvantages of digital technologies in the field of history. It concludes that online resources and digital technologies have expanded the archive for the historian and created new ways to reach other specialists and the general public. Nevertheless, historical scholarship must still rely on carefully crafted, well-argued prose whose production cannot be accelerated by new digital technologies, although recent developments in the field of artificial intelligence may ultimately challenge this situation.

In recent decades, the field (or, at times, discipline) of digital humanities (DH) has revolutionized the scholarly profession and beyond—and with good reason. Seen at times as a democratizing force, DH has led to the creation of an increasing number of open- access databases and scholarly publications, the launching of massive archival digitization initiatives, and the development of numerous digital tools that help streamline the work of the academic researcher, student, and educator. In many ways, then, its benefits are manifest. Yet, recent years have also begun to reveal numerous problems that could influence various aspects of our trade as well as what—and how—information will be available in the future. This article discusses some of the advantages and disadvantages of DH and invites the reader to reflect on what we can do to help mitigate these problems.

Exciting new modes of digital scholarship have emerged in recent years, providing us with expanded windows onto the past. This process has been accelerated by somewhat democratized ways of digitizing and analyzing source material. A main issue of contemporary knowledge production using digitized sources is how power can so easily be reinscribed into access to archives. The choice to digitize collections, even the existence of collections themselves, creates a great opportunity for research but also runs the risk of reinforcing the privilege and worldviews that have shaped and continue to shape the very processes of digitization and digitalization. Drawing on examples of Western and non-Western digital scholarship, this article argues that, although the digital facilitates greater public knowledge of collections, when it comes to decolonizing our research subjects, it also introduces significant layers of complexity.

This article advances an analysis of the development and state of critical digital humanities. It posits two modalities for this approach to digital humanities (DH). The first is a modality of inward-looking, functional self-critique that comprises a rethinking of computational genesis stories, logics and methods, institutions and infrastructures, and digital capitalism, and the second is an outward-looking critique best understood as a form of situated sociopolitical engagement that embraces epistemic and social justice projects that are decolonial, anti-racist, inclusive, collaborative, and multilingual. Through these analyses, the article offers a vision of critical digital humanities in its mission to critique the ideologies, social inequities, and epistemological hierarchies that are built into technological products and computational logics and that are concomitantly fostered by knowledge- creation industries of universities, corporations, governments, and the GLAM[R] sector. In this way, the article shows how critical digital humanities helps us to envision the role that DH can play in processes of recovery, reparations, emancipation, and community-building.

Drawing upon over 20 years as Editor-in-Chief of H-France, I argue that the scholarly profession, established in Cold War era, pre-digital institutions, has only begun to adapt to the transformations introduced by the global digital humanities. A generational shift is currently underway as younger scholars more natively adept with digital technologies use their skills and forms of new media to press for changes in hiring and tenure practices, to demand greater progress on diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) issues, and to insist that the academy confront the collapse of academic positions in the humanities and provide training for and recognition of alternative career paths. I call upon professional organizations to undertake difficult conversations and take leadership in reshaping professional organizations for a post–Cold War, digital age, especially in terms of funding priorities. Scholarly organizations will best gain influence through collaboration.

The task of theorizing and “curing” psychological trauma posed an unprecedented challenge to Western medicine during World War I. In this article, I analyze linguistic and thematic patterns across influential French medical journal publications (1914–1919) to elucidate the dominant medical model of psychological trauma in white men. My approach highlights the centrality of la volonté (“willpower”), historically a critical aspect of Western masculinity, to experts’ conceptualization of trauma itself. I expand this analysis to consider key differences between the model of trauma in white men and the so-called “facsimiles of pathology” in North African soldiers. This comparative analysis illuminates a larger cultural schema of the healthy (white, masculine) self as discrete, sovereign, impermeable, and “justified” in its occupation of colonial spaces.

Have digital tools and methods accelerated the rate of scholarly production over the last 20 years? If so, has this acceleration been beneficial for scholarship? This article considers examples of accelerated historical scholarship as well as calls for a “slow history.” Through an analysis of the author's own experiences with the digital humanities, it examines the advantages and disadvantages of digital technologies in the field of history. It concludes that online resources and digital technologies have expanded the archive for the historian and created new ways to reach other specialists and the general public. Nevertheless, historical scholarship must still rely on carefully crafted, well-argued prose whose production cannot be accelerated by new digital technologies, although recent developments in the field of artificial intelligence may ultimately challenge this situation.

In recent decades, the field (or, at times, discipline) of digital humanities (DH) has revolutionized the scholarly profession and beyond—and with good reason. Seen at times as a democratizing force, DH has led to the creation of an increasing number of open- access databases and scholarly publications, the launching of massive archival digitization initiatives, and the development of numerous digital tools that help streamline the work of the academic researcher, student, and educator. In many ways, then, its benefits are manifest. Yet, recent years have also begun to reveal numerous problems that could influence various aspects of our trade as well as what—and how—information will be available in the future. This article discusses some of the advantages and disadvantages of DH and invites the reader to reflect on what we can do to help mitigate these problems.

Exciting new modes of digital scholarship have emerged in recent years, providing us with expanded windows onto the past. This process has been accelerated by somewhat democratized ways of digitizing and analyzing source material. A main issue of contemporary knowledge production using digitized sources is how power can so easily be reinscribed into access to archives. The choice to digitize collections, even the existence of collections themselves, creates a great opportunity for research but also runs the risk of reinforcing the privilege and worldviews that have shaped and continue to shape the very processes of digitization and digitalization. Drawing on examples of Western and non-Western digital scholarship, this article argues that, although the digital facilitates greater public knowledge of collections, when it comes to decolonizing our research subjects, it also introduces significant layers of complexity.

This article advances an analysis of the development and state of critical digital humanities. It posits two modalities for this approach to digital humanities (DH). The first is a modality of inward-looking, functional self-critique that comprises a rethinking of computational genesis stories, logics and methods, institutions and infrastructures, and digital capitalism, and the second is an outward-looking critique best understood as a form of situated sociopolitical engagement that embraces epistemic and social justice projects that are decolonial, anti-racist, inclusive, collaborative, and multilingual. Through these analyses, the article offers a vision of critical digital humanities in its mission to critique the ideologies, social inequities, and epistemological hierarchies that are built into technological products and computational logics and that are concomitantly fostered by knowledge- creation industries of universities, corporations, governments, and the GLAM[R] sector. In this way, the article shows how critical digital humanities helps us to envision the role that DH can play in processes of recovery, reparations, emancipation, and community-building.

Drawing upon over 20 years as Editor-in-Chief of H-France, I argue that the scholarly profession, established in Cold War era, pre-digital institutions, has only begun to adapt to the transformations introduced by the global digital humanities. A generational shift is currently underway as younger scholars more natively adept with digital technologies use their skills and forms of new media to press for changes in hiring and tenure practices, to demand greater progress on diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) issues, and to insist that the academy confront the collapse of academic positions in the humanities and provide training for and recognition of alternative career paths. I call upon professional organizations to undertake difficult conversations and take leadership in reshaping professional organizations for a post–Cold War, digital age, especially in terms of funding priorities. Scholarly organizations will best gain influence through collaboration.

The task of theorizing and “curing” psychological trauma posed an unprecedented challenge to Western medicine during World War I. In this article, I analyze linguistic and thematic patterns across influential French medical journal publications (1914–1919) to elucidate the dominant medical model of psychological trauma in white men. My approach highlights the centrality of la volonté (“willpower”), historically a critical aspect of Western masculinity, to experts’ conceptualization of trauma itself. I expand this analysis to consider key differences between the model of trauma in white men and the so-called “facsimiles of pathology” in North African soldiers. This comparative analysis illuminates a larger cultural schema of the healthy (white, masculine) self as discrete, sovereign, impermeable, and “justified” in its occupation of colonial spaces.

Edward V. Sittler, an American citizen, renounced his citizenship at the beginning of World War II and from Berlin broadcast Nazi propaganda to American and British troops. The article explores why he did this and the circumstances of his return to the United States in 1946. Sittler eventually taught at a number of colleges in the United States. His Nazi past may have cost him some of these jobs. He then went to court, unsuccessfully, to regain his American citizenship. In exploring Sittler's legal efforts, the article addresses issues related to the law of treason and of citizenship. It concludes with observations about the role of the American Association of University Professors in assessing Sittler's appeals following his resignation from C. W. Post College, and it offers observations about the relevance of Sittler's story to events in the twenty-first century.

Have digital tools and methods accelerated the rate of scholarly production over the last 20 years? If so, has this acceleration been beneficial for scholarship? This article considers examples of accelerated historical scholarship as well as calls for a “slow history.” Through an analysis of the author's own experiences with the digital humanities, it examines the advantages and disadvantages of digital technologies in the field of history. It concludes that online resources and digital technologies have expanded the archive for the historian and created new ways to reach other specialists and the general public. Nevertheless, historical scholarship must still rely on carefully crafted, well-argued prose whose production cannot be accelerated by new digital technologies, although recent developments in the field of artificial intelligence may ultimately challenge this situation.

In recent decades, the field (or, at times, discipline) of digital humanities (DH) has revolutionized the scholarly profession and beyond—and with good reason. Seen at times as a democratizing force, DH has led to the creation of an increasing number of open- access databases and scholarly publications, the launching of massive archival digitization initiatives, and the development of numerous digital tools that help streamline the work of the academic researcher, student, and educator. In many ways, then, its benefits are manifest. Yet, recent years have also begun to reveal numerous problems that could influence various aspects of our trade as well as what—and how—information will be available in the future. This article discusses some of the advantages and disadvantages of DH and invites the reader to reflect on what we can do to help mitigate these problems.

Exciting new modes of digital scholarship have emerged in recent years, providing us with expanded windows onto the past. This process has been accelerated by somewhat democratized ways of digitizing and analyzing source material. A main issue of contemporary knowledge production using digitized sources is how power can so easily be reinscribed into access to archives. The choice to digitize collections, even the existence of collections themselves, creates a great opportunity for research but also runs the risk of reinforcing the privilege and worldviews that have shaped and continue to shape the very processes of digitization and digitalization. Drawing on examples of Western and non-Western digital scholarship, this article argues that, although the digital facilitates greater public knowledge of collections, when it comes to decolonizing our research subjects, it also introduces significant layers of complexity.

This article advances an analysis of the development and state of critical digital humanities. It posits two modalities for this approach to digital humanities (DH). The first is a modality of inward-looking, functional self-critique that comprises a rethinking of computational genesis stories, logics and methods, institutions and infrastructures, and digital capitalism, and the second is an outward-looking critique best understood as a form of situated sociopolitical engagement that embraces epistemic and social justice projects that are decolonial, anti-racist, inclusive, collaborative, and multilingual. Through these analyses, the article offers a vision of critical digital humanities in its mission to critique the ideologies, social inequities, and epistemological hierarchies that are built into technological products and computational logics and that are concomitantly fostered by knowledge- creation industries of universities, corporations, governments, and the GLAM[R] sector. In this way, the article shows how critical digital humanities helps us to envision the role that DH can play in processes of recovery, reparations, emancipation, and community-building.

Drawing upon over 20 years as Editor-in-Chief of H-France, I argue that the scholarly profession, established in Cold War era, pre-digital institutions, has only begun to adapt to the transformations introduced by the global digital humanities. A generational shift is currently underway as younger scholars more natively adept with digital technologies use their skills and forms of new media to press for changes in hiring and tenure practices, to demand greater progress on diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) issues, and to insist that the academy confront the collapse of academic positions in the humanities and provide training for and recognition of alternative career paths. I call upon professional organizations to undertake difficult conversations and take leadership in reshaping professional organizations for a post–Cold War, digital age, especially in terms of funding priorities. Scholarly organizations will best gain influence through collaboration.

The task of theorizing and “curing” psychological trauma posed an unprecedented challenge to Western medicine during World War I. In this article, I analyze linguistic and thematic patterns across influential French medical journal publications (1914–1919) to elucidate the dominant medical model of psychological trauma in white men. My approach highlights the centrality of la volonté (“willpower”), historically a critical aspect of Western masculinity, to experts’ conceptualization of trauma itself. I expand this analysis to consider key differences between the model of trauma in white men and the so-called “facsimiles of pathology” in North African soldiers. This comparative analysis illuminates a larger cultural schema of the healthy (white, masculine) self as discrete, sovereign, impermeable, and “justified” in its occupation of colonial spaces.

Edward V. Sittler, an American citizen, renounced his citizenship at the beginning of World War II and from Berlin broadcast Nazi propaganda to American and British troops. The article explores why he did this and the circumstances of his return to the United States in 1946. Sittler eventually taught at a number of colleges in the United States. His Nazi past may have cost him some of these jobs. He then went to court, unsuccessfully, to regain his American citizenship. In exploring Sittler's legal efforts, the article addresses issues related to the law of treason and of citizenship. It concludes with observations about the role of the American Association of University Professors in assessing Sittler's appeals following his resignation from C. W. Post College, and it offers observations about the relevance of Sittler's story to events in the twenty-first century.

The Yellow Vests movement, which started in France in late 2018, was unprecedented in many ways. Its use of social media to bring together individuals from all across the country, its lack of clear leadership, its refusal to work alongside political parties or unions, and its ability to bring together opinions from across the political spectrum set it apart from other periods of political and social unrest in France. Yet commentators and demonstrators alike have drawn comparisons with France's revolutionary past. Could the movement be described as revolutionary? Are the violent acts of the protestors and the violent acts of the police sufficient criteria to categorize the movement as revolutionary? Drawing from government data, reports of the demonstrations, and publications on the Yellow Vests, this article argues that their appropriation of revolutionary imagery and methods suffice to qualify some of their efforts as revolutionary, especially when considering the movement's continued impact on political and social commentary in France.

This special issue features articles based on contributions to the international workshop “The Circulation of State Models and Institutional Designs between Europe and Latin America—Transatlantic Perspectives on Political and Legal History in the Twentieth Century,” which was held virtually on 26 May 2022. The event was co-organized by the research group Modernity and Society 1800–2000 at the History Department, KU Leuven, and the School of Law and the School of Modern Languages and Cultures, University of Warwick. The initiative was also sponsored by the Instituto de Investigaciones de Historia del Derecho (INHIDE), a prestigious legal history research center based in Buenos Aires. We acknowledge the important assistance of Martin Kohlrausch and Magaly Rodriguez Garcia (KU Leuven), Ingrid de Smet (University of Warwick), and Ezequiel Abásolo and Viviana Kluger (INHIDE) in the final settlement of that event. The event was attended by prestigious legal scholars: Carlos Herrera (CY Cergy Paris Université), Peter Heyrman (KU Leuven), Elisa Speckman (Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México), Eduardo Zimmermann (Universidad San Andrés), and Werner Thomas (KU Leuven). Several exponents from diverse institutions in Europe and Latin America also participated as contributors in a rich interdisciplinary dialogue between legal history and political history: Zakia Mestari (University of Toulouse), Luciano Aronne de Abreu (Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul), María Angélica Corva (Universidad Católica Argentina), Ana Brisa Oropeza Chávez (Universidad de Anahuac-Veracruz), Janne Schreurs (KU Leuven), Agustín Parise (Maastricht University), María Rosario Polotto (Universidad Católica Argentina), Pamela Cacciavillani (Universidad de Monterrey), and Horacio García Bossio (Universidad Católica Argentina) attended the meeting.

This special issue features articles based on contributions to the international workshop “The Circulation of State Models and Institutional Designs between Europe and Latin America—Transatlantic Perspectives on Political and Legal History in the Twentieth Century,” which was held virtually on 26 May 2022. The event was co-organized by the research group Modernity and Society 1800–2000 at the History Department, KU Leuven, and the School of Law and the School of Modern Languages and Cultures, University of Warwick. The initiative was also sponsored by the Instituto de Investigaciones de Historia del Derecho (INHIDE), a prestigious legal history research center based in Buenos Aires. We acknowledge the important assistance of Martin Kohlrausch and Magaly Rodriguez Garcia (KU Leuven), Ingrid de Smet (University of Warwick), and Ezequiel Abásolo and Viviana Kluger (INHIDE) in the final settlement of that event. The event was attended by prestigious legal scholars: Carlos Herrera (CY Cergy Paris Université), Peter Heyrman (KU Leuven), Elisa Speckman (Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México), Eduardo Zimmermann (Universidad San Andrés), and Werner Thomas (KU Leuven). Several exponents from diverse institutions in Europe and Latin America also participated as contributors in a rich interdisciplinary dialogue between legal history and political history: Zakia Mestari (University of Toulouse), Luciano Aronne de Abreu (Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul), María Angélica Corva (Universidad Católica Argentina), Ana Brisa Oropeza Chávez (Universidad de Anahuac-Veracruz), Janne Schreurs (KU Leuven), Agustín Parise (Maastricht University), María Rosario Polotto (Universidad Católica Argentina), Pamela Cacciavillani (Universidad de Monterrey), and Horacio García Bossio (Universidad Católica Argentina) attended the meeting.

The objective of this article is to carry out a case study on the doctrinal principles of corporatism supported by Brazilian jurist Francisco José de Oliveira Viana and by American economist and theologian John A. Ryan. It analyzes the influence of tenets of Catholic doctrine stated in papal encyclicals Rerum Novarum (1891) and Quadragesimo Anno (1931) in their ideas and the adequacy of their principles to the solution of economic and social problems faced during the Vargas and Roosevelt administrations. For this purpose, in addition to the encyclicals, we analyze the works Problemas de direito sindical and Direito do trabalho e democracia social by Oliveira Viana and A Program of Social Reform by Legislation and Capital and Labor by Ryan.

This special issue features articles based on contributions to the international workshop “The Circulation of State Models and Institutional Designs between Europe and Latin America—Transatlantic Perspectives on Political and Legal History in the Twentieth Century,” which was held virtually on 26 May 2022. The event was co-organized by the research group Modernity and Society 1800–2000 at the History Department, KU Leuven, and the School of Law and the School of Modern Languages and Cultures, University of Warwick. The initiative was also sponsored by the Instituto de Investigaciones de Historia del Derecho (INHIDE), a prestigious legal history research center based in Buenos Aires. We acknowledge the important assistance of Martin Kohlrausch and Magaly Rodriguez Garcia (KU Leuven), Ingrid de Smet (University of Warwick), and Ezequiel Abásolo and Viviana Kluger (INHIDE) in the final settlement of that event. The event was attended by prestigious legal scholars: Carlos Herrera (CY Cergy Paris Université), Peter Heyrman (KU Leuven), Elisa Speckman (Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México), Eduardo Zimmermann (Universidad San Andrés), and Werner Thomas (KU Leuven). Several exponents from diverse institutions in Europe and Latin America also participated as contributors in a rich interdisciplinary dialogue between legal history and political history: Zakia Mestari (University of Toulouse), Luciano Aronne de Abreu (Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul), María Angélica Corva (Universidad Católica Argentina), Ana Brisa Oropeza Chávez (Universidad de Anahuac-Veracruz), Janne Schreurs (KU Leuven), Agustín Parise (Maastricht University), María Rosario Polotto (Universidad Católica Argentina), Pamela Cacciavillani (Universidad de Monterrey), and Horacio García Bossio (Universidad Católica Argentina) attended the meeting.

The objective of this article is to carry out a case study on the doctrinal principles of corporatism supported by Brazilian jurist Francisco José de Oliveira Viana and by American economist and theologian John A. Ryan. It analyzes the influence of tenets of Catholic doctrine stated in papal encyclicals Rerum Novarum (1891) and Quadragesimo Anno (1931) in their ideas and the adequacy of their principles to the solution of economic and social problems faced during the Vargas and Roosevelt administrations. For this purpose, in addition to the encyclicals, we analyze the works Problemas de direito sindical and Direito do trabalho e democracia social by Oliveira Viana and A Program of Social Reform by Legislation and Capital and Labor by Ryan.

This article tries to reflect on how jurists linked to the law schools at the University of Buenos Aires and the National Autonomous University of Mexico understood the problems of the Latin American representative system and the new features of the Western world's political crisis. It does so by focusing on the BA and PhD theses produced in both schools. We consider these written theses as privileged mirrors that reflect legal “cultures” and knowledge-transfer from an Atlantic perspective. They were also crucial mediums for new lawyers to reflect those changes in critical readings of European and American authors. Moreover, the article argues that these legal scholars played a key role in the circulation of legal and political knowledge in their local academic units.

This special issue features articles based on contributions to the international workshop “The Circulation of State Models and Institutional Designs between Europe and Latin America—Transatlantic Perspectives on Political and Legal History in the Twentieth Century,” which was held virtually on 26 May 2022. The event was co-organized by the research group Modernity and Society 1800–2000 at the History Department, KU Leuven, and the School of Law and the School of Modern Languages and Cultures, University of Warwick. The initiative was also sponsored by the Instituto de Investigaciones de Historia del Derecho (INHIDE), a prestigious legal history research center based in Buenos Aires. We acknowledge the important assistance of Martin Kohlrausch and Magaly Rodriguez Garcia (KU Leuven), Ingrid de Smet (University of Warwick), and Ezequiel Abásolo and Viviana Kluger (INHIDE) in the final settlement of that event. The event was attended by prestigious legal scholars: Carlos Herrera (CY Cergy Paris Université), Peter Heyrman (KU Leuven), Elisa Speckman (Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México), Eduardo Zimmermann (Universidad San Andrés), and Werner Thomas (KU Leuven). Several exponents from diverse institutions in Europe and Latin America also participated as contributors in a rich interdisciplinary dialogue between legal history and political history: Zakia Mestari (University of Toulouse), Luciano Aronne de Abreu (Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul), María Angélica Corva (Universidad Católica Argentina), Ana Brisa Oropeza Chávez (Universidad de Anahuac-Veracruz), Janne Schreurs (KU Leuven), Agustín Parise (Maastricht University), María Rosario Polotto (Universidad Católica Argentina), Pamela Cacciavillani (Universidad de Monterrey), and Horacio García Bossio (Universidad Católica Argentina) attended the meeting.

The objective of this article is to carry out a case study on the doctrinal principles of corporatism supported by Brazilian jurist Francisco José de Oliveira Viana and by American economist and theologian John A. Ryan. It analyzes the influence of tenets of Catholic doctrine stated in papal encyclicals Rerum Novarum (1891) and Quadragesimo Anno (1931) in their ideas and the adequacy of their principles to the solution of economic and social problems faced during the Vargas and Roosevelt administrations. For this purpose, in addition to the encyclicals, we analyze the works Problemas de direito sindical and Direito do trabalho e democracia social by Oliveira Viana and A Program of Social Reform by Legislation and Capital and Labor by Ryan.

This article tries to reflect on how jurists linked to the law schools at the University of Buenos Aires and the National Autonomous University of Mexico understood the problems of the Latin American representative system and the new features of the Western world's political crisis. It does so by focusing on the BA and PhD theses produced in both schools. We consider these written theses as privileged mirrors that reflect legal “cultures” and knowledge-transfer from an Atlantic perspective. They were also crucial mediums for new lawyers to reflect those changes in critical readings of European and American authors. Moreover, the article argues that these legal scholars played a key role in the circulation of legal and political knowledge in their local academic units.

This article investigates the construction of the authority of jurist Boris Mirkine- Guetzévitch in the Brazilian political and legal fields between 1927 and 1934. Through the reading of the archives of the Rockefeller Foundation, it shows how Mirkine-Guetzévitch, inspired by the desire to preserve democracy and human rights, established key transnational centers for the diffusion of legal knowledge—the International Institute of Public Law (1927) and the Parisian Institute of Comparative Law (1931)—where his ideas were well received. It then argues, through the reading of the contemporary Brazilian press, that these organizations were instrumental in sustaining—or were actively employed to sustain—his contacts with Brazilian personalities starting from 1932. By analyzing the 1933–1934 Annals of the Brazilian National Constituent Assembly, this article concludes that this effort was successful, and that Mirkine-Guetzévitch became a key reference for Brazilian liberal politicians during the debates leading to the promulgation of the 1934 Constitution.

This special issue features articles based on contributions to the international workshop “The Circulation of State Models and Institutional Designs between Europe and Latin America—Transatlantic Perspectives on Political and Legal History in the Twentieth Century,” which was held virtually on 26 May 2022. The event was co-organized by the research group Modernity and Society 1800–2000 at the History Department, KU Leuven, and the School of Law and the School of Modern Languages and Cultures, University of Warwick. The initiative was also sponsored by the Instituto de Investigaciones de Historia del Derecho (INHIDE), a prestigious legal history research center based in Buenos Aires. We acknowledge the important assistance of Martin Kohlrausch and Magaly Rodriguez Garcia (KU Leuven), Ingrid de Smet (University of Warwick), and Ezequiel Abásolo and Viviana Kluger (INHIDE) in the final settlement of that event. The event was attended by prestigious legal scholars: Carlos Herrera (CY Cergy Paris Université), Peter Heyrman (KU Leuven), Elisa Speckman (Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México), Eduardo Zimmermann (Universidad San Andrés), and Werner Thomas (KU Leuven). Several exponents from diverse institutions in Europe and Latin America also participated as contributors in a rich interdisciplinary dialogue between legal history and political history: Zakia Mestari (University of Toulouse), Luciano Aronne de Abreu (Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul), María Angélica Corva (Universidad Católica Argentina), Ana Brisa Oropeza Chávez (Universidad de Anahuac-Veracruz), Janne Schreurs (KU Leuven), Agustín Parise (Maastricht University), María Rosario Polotto (Universidad Católica Argentina), Pamela Cacciavillani (Universidad de Monterrey), and Horacio García Bossio (Universidad Católica Argentina) attended the meeting.

The objective of this article is to carry out a case study on the doctrinal principles of corporatism supported by Brazilian jurist Francisco José de Oliveira Viana and by American economist and theologian John A. Ryan. It analyzes the influence of tenets of Catholic doctrine stated in papal encyclicals Rerum Novarum (1891) and Quadragesimo Anno (1931) in their ideas and the adequacy of their principles to the solution of economic and social problems faced during the Vargas and Roosevelt administrations. For this purpose, in addition to the encyclicals, we analyze the works Problemas de direito sindical and Direito do trabalho e democracia social by Oliveira Viana and A Program of Social Reform by Legislation and Capital and Labor by Ryan.

This article tries to reflect on how jurists linked to the law schools at the University of Buenos Aires and the National Autonomous University of Mexico understood the problems of the Latin American representative system and the new features of the Western world's political crisis. It does so by focusing on the BA and PhD theses produced in both schools. We consider these written theses as privileged mirrors that reflect legal “cultures” and knowledge-transfer from an Atlantic perspective. They were also crucial mediums for new lawyers to reflect those changes in critical readings of European and American authors. Moreover, the article argues that these legal scholars played a key role in the circulation of legal and political knowledge in their local academic units.

This article investigates the construction of the authority of jurist Boris Mirkine- Guetzévitch in the Brazilian political and legal fields between 1927 and 1934. Through the reading of the archives of the Rockefeller Foundation, it shows how Mirkine-Guetzévitch, inspired by the desire to preserve democracy and human rights, established key transnational centers for the diffusion of legal knowledge—the International Institute of Public Law (1927) and the Parisian Institute of Comparative Law (1931)—where his ideas were well received. It then argues, through the reading of the contemporary Brazilian press, that these organizations were instrumental in sustaining—or were actively employed to sustain—his contacts with Brazilian personalities starting from 1932. By analyzing the 1933–1934 Annals of the Brazilian National Constituent Assembly, this article concludes that this effort was successful, and that Mirkine-Guetzévitch became a key reference for Brazilian liberal politicians during the debates leading to the promulgation of the 1934 Constitution.

This article explores the process of circulation of normative models and legal theories between Europe and Latin America. It analyzes the circulation of the German possessory model in the Argentinian legal experience between the enactment of the Civil Code of 1869 and the Civil Code Draft of 1936. We argue that the prominence of possession in nineteenth-century local legal culture and practices both conditioned and encouraged the reception of this model. The criticisms that arose at the beginning of the twentieth century regarding the liberal property law of the Civil Code were channelled, in the Civil Code Draft of 1936, through an expansion of the protection of possession to situations not previously contemplated, such as rural and urban leaseholds. German law, which served among other things, as the basis for this legal innovation, was adapted to specific legal traditions operating in provincial regulations.

This special issue features articles based on contributions to the international workshop “The Circulation of State Models and Institutional Designs between Europe and Latin America—Transatlantic Perspectives on Political and Legal History in the Twentieth Century,” which was held virtually on 26 May 2022. The event was co-organized by the research group Modernity and Society 1800–2000 at the History Department, KU Leuven, and the School of Law and the School of Modern Languages and Cultures, University of Warwick. The initiative was also sponsored by the Instituto de Investigaciones de Historia del Derecho (INHIDE), a prestigious legal history research center based in Buenos Aires. We acknowledge the important assistance of Martin Kohlrausch and Magaly Rodriguez Garcia (KU Leuven), Ingrid de Smet (University of Warwick), and Ezequiel Abásolo and Viviana Kluger (INHIDE) in the final settlement of that event. The event was attended by prestigious legal scholars: Carlos Herrera (CY Cergy Paris Université), Peter Heyrman (KU Leuven), Elisa Speckman (Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México), Eduardo Zimmermann (Universidad San Andrés), and Werner Thomas (KU Leuven). Several exponents from diverse institutions in Europe and Latin America also participated as contributors in a rich interdisciplinary dialogue between legal history and political history: Zakia Mestari (University of Toulouse), Luciano Aronne de Abreu (Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul), María Angélica Corva (Universidad Católica Argentina), Ana Brisa Oropeza Chávez (Universidad de Anahuac-Veracruz), Janne Schreurs (KU Leuven), Agustín Parise (Maastricht University), María Rosario Polotto (Universidad Católica Argentina), Pamela Cacciavillani (Universidad de Monterrey), and Horacio García Bossio (Universidad Católica Argentina) attended the meeting.

The objective of this article is to carry out a case study on the doctrinal principles of corporatism supported by Brazilian jurist Francisco José de Oliveira Viana and by American economist and theologian John A. Ryan. It analyzes the influence of tenets of Catholic doctrine stated in papal encyclicals Rerum Novarum (1891) and Quadragesimo Anno (1931) in their ideas and the adequacy of their principles to the solution of economic and social problems faced during the Vargas and Roosevelt administrations. For this purpose, in addition to the encyclicals, we analyze the works Problemas de direito sindical and Direito do trabalho e democracia social by Oliveira Viana and A Program of Social Reform by Legislation and Capital and Labor by Ryan.

This article tries to reflect on how jurists linked to the law schools at the University of Buenos Aires and the National Autonomous University of Mexico understood the problems of the Latin American representative system and the new features of the Western world's political crisis. It does so by focusing on the BA and PhD theses produced in both schools. We consider these written theses as privileged mirrors that reflect legal “cultures” and knowledge-transfer from an Atlantic perspective. They were also crucial mediums for new lawyers to reflect those changes in critical readings of European and American authors. Moreover, the article argues that these legal scholars played a key role in the circulation of legal and political knowledge in their local academic units.

This article investigates the construction of the authority of jurist Boris Mirkine- Guetzévitch in the Brazilian political and legal fields between 1927 and 1934. Through the reading of the archives of the Rockefeller Foundation, it shows how Mirkine-Guetzévitch, inspired by the desire to preserve democracy and human rights, established key transnational centers for the diffusion of legal knowledge—the International Institute of Public Law (1927) and the Parisian Institute of Comparative Law (1931)—where his ideas were well received. It then argues, through the reading of the contemporary Brazilian press, that these organizations were instrumental in sustaining—or were actively employed to sustain—his contacts with Brazilian personalities starting from 1932. By analyzing the 1933–1934 Annals of the Brazilian National Constituent Assembly, this article concludes that this effort was successful, and that Mirkine-Guetzévitch became a key reference for Brazilian liberal politicians during the debates leading to the promulgation of the 1934 Constitution.

This article explores the process of circulation of normative models and legal theories between Europe and Latin America. It analyzes the circulation of the German possessory model in the Argentinian legal experience between the enactment of the Civil Code of 1869 and the Civil Code Draft of 1936. We argue that the prominence of possession in nineteenth-century local legal culture and practices both conditioned and encouraged the reception of this model. The criticisms that arose at the beginning of the twentieth century regarding the liberal property law of the Civil Code were channelled, in the Civil Code Draft of 1936, through an expansion of the protection of possession to situations not previously contemplated, such as rural and urban leaseholds. German law, which served among other things, as the basis for this legal innovation, was adapted to specific legal traditions operating in provincial regulations.

The objective of this article is to analyze the possible influence of certain international organizations that granted funding to Mexico during the 1980s and 1990s, on higher education. It focuses on the curricular design of Law degree programs and, from that basis, provides a provisional explanation of the progressive “technocratization” of the curricula of liberal baccalaureates, especially those corresponding to the training in Law from the late twentieth century until today. The main purpose of this research is to find some of the causes that explain the suppression of subjects such as the History of Law (Roman, national, or universal) or the Philosophy of Law, fundamental disciplines in the formation of the legal criterion and the general culture of any jurist.

This special issue features articles based on contributions to the international workshop “The Circulation of State Models and Institutional Designs between Europe and Latin America—Transatlantic Perspectives on Political and Legal History in the Twentieth Century,” which was held virtually on 26 May 2022. The event was co-organized by the research group Modernity and Society 1800–2000 at the History Department, KU Leuven, and the School of Law and the School of Modern Languages and Cultures, University of Warwick. The initiative was also sponsored by the Instituto de Investigaciones de Historia del Derecho (INHIDE), a prestigious legal history research center based in Buenos Aires. We acknowledge the important assistance of Martin Kohlrausch and Magaly Rodriguez Garcia (KU Leuven), Ingrid de Smet (University of Warwick), and Ezequiel Abásolo and Viviana Kluger (INHIDE) in the final settlement of that event. The event was attended by prestigious legal scholars: Carlos Herrera (CY Cergy Paris Université), Peter Heyrman (KU Leuven), Elisa Speckman (Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México), Eduardo Zimmermann (Universidad San Andrés), and Werner Thomas (KU Leuven). Several exponents from diverse institutions in Europe and Latin America also participated as contributors in a rich interdisciplinary dialogue between legal history and political history: Zakia Mestari (University of Toulouse), Luciano Aronne de Abreu (Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul), María Angélica Corva (Universidad Católica Argentina), Ana Brisa Oropeza Chávez (Universidad de Anahuac-Veracruz), Janne Schreurs (KU Leuven), Agustín Parise (Maastricht University), María Rosario Polotto (Universidad Católica Argentina), Pamela Cacciavillani (Universidad de Monterrey), and Horacio García Bossio (Universidad Católica Argentina) attended the meeting.

The objective of this article is to carry out a case study on the doctrinal principles of corporatism supported by Brazilian jurist Francisco José de Oliveira Viana and by American economist and theologian John A. Ryan. It analyzes the influence of tenets of Catholic doctrine stated in papal encyclicals Rerum Novarum (1891) and Quadragesimo Anno (1931) in their ideas and the adequacy of their principles to the solution of economic and social problems faced during the Vargas and Roosevelt administrations. For this purpose, in addition to the encyclicals, we analyze the works Problemas de direito sindical and Direito do trabalho e democracia social by Oliveira Viana and A Program of Social Reform by Legislation and Capital and Labor by Ryan.

This article tries to reflect on how jurists linked to the law schools at the University of Buenos Aires and the National Autonomous University of Mexico understood the problems of the Latin American representative system and the new features of the Western world's political crisis. It does so by focusing on the BA and PhD theses produced in both schools. We consider these written theses as privileged mirrors that reflect legal “cultures” and knowledge-transfer from an Atlantic perspective. They were also crucial mediums for new lawyers to reflect those changes in critical readings of European and American authors. Moreover, the article argues that these legal scholars played a key role in the circulation of legal and political knowledge in their local academic units.

This article investigates the construction of the authority of jurist Boris Mirkine- Guetzévitch in the Brazilian political and legal fields between 1927 and 1934. Through the reading of the archives of the Rockefeller Foundation, it shows how Mirkine-Guetzévitch, inspired by the desire to preserve democracy and human rights, established key transnational centers for the diffusion of legal knowledge—the International Institute of Public Law (1927) and the Parisian Institute of Comparative Law (1931)—where his ideas were well received. It then argues, through the reading of the contemporary Brazilian press, that these organizations were instrumental in sustaining—or were actively employed to sustain—his contacts with Brazilian personalities starting from 1932. By analyzing the 1933–1934 Annals of the Brazilian National Constituent Assembly, this article concludes that this effort was successful, and that Mirkine-Guetzévitch became a key reference for Brazilian liberal politicians during the debates leading to the promulgation of the 1934 Constitution.

This article explores the process of circulation of normative models and legal theories between Europe and Latin America. It analyzes the circulation of the German possessory model in the Argentinian legal experience between the enactment of the Civil Code of 1869 and the Civil Code Draft of 1936. We argue that the prominence of possession in nineteenth-century local legal culture and practices both conditioned and encouraged the reception of this model. The criticisms that arose at the beginning of the twentieth century regarding the liberal property law of the Civil Code were channelled, in the Civil Code Draft of 1936, through an expansion of the protection of possession to situations not previously contemplated, such as rural and urban leaseholds. German law, which served among other things, as the basis for this legal innovation, was adapted to specific legal traditions operating in provincial regulations.

The objective of this article is to analyze the possible influence of certain international organizations that granted funding to Mexico during the 1980s and 1990s, on higher education. It focuses on the curricular design of Law degree programs and, from that basis, provides a provisional explanation of the progressive “technocratization” of the curricula of liberal baccalaureates, especially those corresponding to the training in Law from the late twentieth century until today. The main purpose of this research is to find some of the causes that explain the suppression of subjects such as the History of Law (Roman, national, or universal) or the Philosophy of Law, fundamental disciplines in the formation of the legal criterion and the general culture of any jurist.

Giovanni Tarantino and Charles Zika, eds. Feeling Exclusion: Religious Conflict, Exile and Emotions in Early Modern Europe. London: Routledge, 2019. Chapter endnotes and index. 296 pp. (Hb) ISBN 9780367367060; (eBook) ISBN 9780429354335. Hb $184.80; eBook $37.02.

Over the last forty years, scholars have interpreted the early modern public execution ritual variously as an affirmation of state power, a chance for victims to fashion a memorable identity on the scaffold, and a site of festivity for those gathered to witness. What, though, do we make of the public execution of a dog? This article considers the 1677 hanging of a dog and its female owner for the crime of bestiality, focusing on early modern English beliefs about animals, human sexuality, and punishment. In sixteenth- and seventeenth-century England, reasons for killing animals involved in bestiality found their basis in interpretations of biblical texts, anxieties about animal familiars, fears of crossbreeding, and a desire to maintain boundaries between beasts and humans. This dog's execution, which occurred publicly and was memorialized in print, complicates the usual understandings of public execution, effectively queering the ritual by destabilizing its meaning.

Over the last forty years, scholars have interpreted the early modern public execution ritual variously as an affirmation of state power, a chance for victims to fashion a memorable identity on the scaffold, and a site of festivity for those gathered to witness. What, though, do we make of the public execution of a dog? This article considers the 1677 hanging of a dog and its female owner for the crime of bestiality, focusing on early modern English beliefs about animals, human sexuality, and punishment. In sixteenth- and seventeenth-century England, reasons for killing animals involved in bestiality found their basis in interpretations of biblical texts, anxieties about animal familiars, fears of crossbreeding, and a desire to maintain boundaries between beasts and humans. This dog's execution, which occurred publicly and was memorialized in print, complicates the usual understandings of public execution, effectively queering the ritual by destabilizing its meaning.

This article engages with the role of the parish priests in Malta in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. It focuses especially on their degree of professionalization by examining their relations with the bishop and with the other members of the clergy and the laity. It concludes that, as in other countries, it was difficult for the decrees of the council of Trent to be fully implemented in Malta. If some parish priests were diligent in exercising their duty, others preferred to put their personal interests before those of their flock. For some, the gaining of money was their besetting sin with the result that running feuds were an inseparable part of most parishes.

Over the last forty years, scholars have interpreted the early modern public execution ritual variously as an affirmation of state power, a chance for victims to fashion a memorable identity on the scaffold, and a site of festivity for those gathered to witness. What, though, do we make of the public execution of a dog? This article considers the 1677 hanging of a dog and its female owner for the crime of bestiality, focusing on early modern English beliefs about animals, human sexuality, and punishment. In sixteenth- and seventeenth-century England, reasons for killing animals involved in bestiality found their basis in interpretations of biblical texts, anxieties about animal familiars, fears of crossbreeding, and a desire to maintain boundaries between beasts and humans. This dog's execution, which occurred publicly and was memorialized in print, complicates the usual understandings of public execution, effectively queering the ritual by destabilizing its meaning.

This article engages with the role of the parish priests in Malta in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. It focuses especially on their degree of professionalization by examining their relations with the bishop and with the other members of the clergy and the laity. It concludes that, as in other countries, it was difficult for the decrees of the council of Trent to be fully implemented in Malta. If some parish priests were diligent in exercising their duty, others preferred to put their personal interests before those of their flock. For some, the gaining of money was their besetting sin with the result that running feuds were an inseparable part of most parishes.

Emulating Arthur Hertzberg's study, The French Enlightenment and the Jews (1968), many scholars have condemned Voltaire for anti-semitism without considering his ironical writing style, amply evident in Candide. The Philosophical Dictionary, a synopsis of his views on diverse historical, ethical, political, and religious matters, may be culled for matter pertaining to his opinion of Jews and Judaism. A careful analysis of some of Voltaire's controversial statements in the Philosophical Dictionary, often interpreted as anti-Jewish, reveals that he appreciated the Jewish people's abilities and aspirations. His most satirical and hostile comments about the “barbarity” and relative historical insignificance of the Jews—contrary to some historians, he never said that they sought to rule the world, until some former Jews catastrophically transitioned into the infâme, the Christian Church, epitome of evil—usually involved his discussion of the mythical, biblical Jews of Old Testament stories, in whose truth he occasionally pretended to believe.

Over the last forty years, scholars have interpreted the early modern public execution ritual variously as an affirmation of state power, a chance for victims to fashion a memorable identity on the scaffold, and a site of festivity for those gathered to witness. What, though, do we make of the public execution of a dog? This article considers the 1677 hanging of a dog and its female owner for the crime of bestiality, focusing on early modern English beliefs about animals, human sexuality, and punishment. In sixteenth- and seventeenth-century England, reasons for killing animals involved in bestiality found their basis in interpretations of biblical texts, anxieties about animal familiars, fears of crossbreeding, and a desire to maintain boundaries between beasts and humans. This dog's execution, which occurred publicly and was memorialized in print, complicates the usual understandings of public execution, effectively queering the ritual by destabilizing its meaning.

This article engages with the role of the parish priests in Malta in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. It focuses especially on their degree of professionalization by examining their relations with the bishop and with the other members of the clergy and the laity. It concludes that, as in other countries, it was difficult for the decrees of the council of Trent to be fully implemented in Malta. If some parish priests were diligent in exercising their duty, others preferred to put their personal interests before those of their flock. For some, the gaining of money was their besetting sin with the result that running feuds were an inseparable part of most parishes.

Emulating Arthur Hertzberg's study, The French Enlightenment and the Jews (1968), many scholars have condemned Voltaire for anti-semitism without considering his ironical writing style, amply evident in Candide. The Philosophical Dictionary, a synopsis of his views on diverse historical, ethical, political, and religious matters, may be culled for matter pertaining to his opinion of Jews and Judaism. A careful analysis of some of Voltaire's controversial statements in the Philosophical Dictionary, often interpreted as anti-Jewish, reveals that he appreciated the Jewish people's abilities and aspirations. His most satirical and hostile comments about the “barbarity” and relative historical insignificance of the Jews—contrary to some historians, he never said that they sought to rule the world, until some former Jews catastrophically transitioned into the infâme, the Christian Church, epitome of evil—usually involved his discussion of the mythical, biblical Jews of Old Testament stories, in whose truth he occasionally pretended to believe.

Using eyewitness accounts by some French writers who sojourned in Macau during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, this article investigates Macanese history from French perspectives. Attention is given to history, culture, and literature within writers’ interpretations. A distinct feature of Macanese history in this period is a story of the conflict between changed and unchanged, glory and decline, temporariness and timelessness. Imbued with admiration, reminiscence, and critique, the observations made by the French writers form a unique panoramic view over Macau. Such observations illustrate how Western culture examined itself, here represented as Portuguese culture, and the manifestations of this particular culture after being transplanted into another country far from the homeland. Integration of French perspectives can enhance the writing of Macanese history by providing particular insights and literary discernment.

Over the last forty years, scholars have interpreted the early modern public execution ritual variously as an affirmation of state power, a chance for victims to fashion a memorable identity on the scaffold, and a site of festivity for those gathered to witness. What, though, do we make of the public execution of a dog? This article considers the 1677 hanging of a dog and its female owner for the crime of bestiality, focusing on early modern English beliefs about animals, human sexuality, and punishment. In sixteenth- and seventeenth-century England, reasons for killing animals involved in bestiality found their basis in interpretations of biblical texts, anxieties about animal familiars, fears of crossbreeding, and a desire to maintain boundaries between beasts and humans. This dog's execution, which occurred publicly and was memorialized in print, complicates the usual understandings of public execution, effectively queering the ritual by destabilizing its meaning.

This article engages with the role of the parish priests in Malta in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. It focuses especially on their degree of professionalization by examining their relations with the bishop and with the other members of the clergy and the laity. It concludes that, as in other countries, it was difficult for the decrees of the council of Trent to be fully implemented in Malta. If some parish priests were diligent in exercising their duty, others preferred to put their personal interests before those of their flock. For some, the gaining of money was their besetting sin with the result that running feuds were an inseparable part of most parishes.

Emulating Arthur Hertzberg's study, The French Enlightenment and the Jews (1968), many scholars have condemned Voltaire for anti-semitism without considering his ironical writing style, amply evident in Candide. The Philosophical Dictionary, a synopsis of his views on diverse historical, ethical, political, and religious matters, may be culled for matter pertaining to his opinion of Jews and Judaism. A careful analysis of some of Voltaire's controversial statements in the Philosophical Dictionary, often interpreted as anti-Jewish, reveals that he appreciated the Jewish people's abilities and aspirations. His most satirical and hostile comments about the “barbarity” and relative historical insignificance of the Jews—contrary to some historians, he never said that they sought to rule the world, until some former Jews catastrophically transitioned into the infâme, the Christian Church, epitome of evil—usually involved his discussion of the mythical, biblical Jews of Old Testament stories, in whose truth he occasionally pretended to believe.

Using eyewitness accounts by some French writers who sojourned in Macau during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, this article investigates Macanese history from French perspectives. Attention is given to history, culture, and literature within writers’ interpretations. A distinct feature of Macanese history in this period is a story of the conflict between changed and unchanged, glory and decline, temporariness and timelessness. Imbued with admiration, reminiscence, and critique, the observations made by the French writers form a unique panoramic view over Macau. Such observations illustrate how Western culture examined itself, here represented as Portuguese culture, and the manifestations of this particular culture after being transplanted into another country far from the homeland. Integration of French perspectives can enhance the writing of Macanese history by providing particular insights and literary discernment.

This article examines a dramatic aporia in modern European intellectual history, involving what it calls “perspectival thinking”—a way of thinking in which an individual assumes and thinks from the perspectives of others. This paradox appears in the work on totalitarianism of Europe's three foremost thinkers on totalitarianism—Hannah Arendt, Arthur Koestler, and George Orwell. Examining their explorations of perspectival thinking, this article argues that, taken together, they are strikingly discordant. While Arendt exalts it, Koestler and Orwell problematize perspectival thinking, and Orwell even sees it as evil. The three thinkers thus articulate a dramatically polyvocal understanding of perspectival thinking, creating a remarkable dissonance in modern European thought.

Over the last forty years, scholars have interpreted the early modern public execution ritual variously as an affirmation of state power, a chance for victims to fashion a memorable identity on the scaffold, and a site of festivity for those gathered to witness. What, though, do we make of the public execution of a dog? This article considers the 1677 hanging of a dog and its female owner for the crime of bestiality, focusing on early modern English beliefs about animals, human sexuality, and punishment. In sixteenth- and seventeenth-century England, reasons for killing animals involved in bestiality found their basis in interpretations of biblical texts, anxieties about animal familiars, fears of crossbreeding, and a desire to maintain boundaries between beasts and humans. This dog's execution, which occurred publicly and was memorialized in print, complicates the usual understandings of public execution, effectively queering the ritual by destabilizing its meaning.

This article engages with the role of the parish priests in Malta in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. It focuses especially on their degree of professionalization by examining their relations with the bishop and with the other members of the clergy and the laity. It concludes that, as in other countries, it was difficult for the decrees of the council of Trent to be fully implemented in Malta. If some parish priests were diligent in exercising their duty, others preferred to put their personal interests before those of their flock. For some, the gaining of money was their besetting sin with the result that running feuds were an inseparable part of most parishes.

Emulating Arthur Hertzberg's study, The French Enlightenment and the Jews (1968), many scholars have condemned Voltaire for anti-semitism without considering his ironical writing style, amply evident in Candide. The Philosophical Dictionary, a synopsis of his views on diverse historical, ethical, political, and religious matters, may be culled for matter pertaining to his opinion of Jews and Judaism. A careful analysis of some of Voltaire's controversial statements in the Philosophical Dictionary, often interpreted as anti-Jewish, reveals that he appreciated the Jewish people's abilities and aspirations. His most satirical and hostile comments about the “barbarity” and relative historical insignificance of the Jews—contrary to some historians, he never said that they sought to rule the world, until some former Jews catastrophically transitioned into the infâme, the Christian Church, epitome of evil—usually involved his discussion of the mythical, biblical Jews of Old Testament stories, in whose truth he occasionally pretended to believe.

Using eyewitness accounts by some French writers who sojourned in Macau during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, this article investigates Macanese history from French perspectives. Attention is given to history, culture, and literature within writers’ interpretations. A distinct feature of Macanese history in this period is a story of the conflict between changed and unchanged, glory and decline, temporariness and timelessness. Imbued with admiration, reminiscence, and critique, the observations made by the French writers form a unique panoramic view over Macau. Such observations illustrate how Western culture examined itself, here represented as Portuguese culture, and the manifestations of this particular culture after being transplanted into another country far from the homeland. Integration of French perspectives can enhance the writing of Macanese history by providing particular insights and literary discernment.

This article examines a dramatic aporia in modern European intellectual history, involving what it calls “perspectival thinking”—a way of thinking in which an individual assumes and thinks from the perspectives of others. This paradox appears in the work on totalitarianism of Europe's three foremost thinkers on totalitarianism—Hannah Arendt, Arthur Koestler, and George Orwell. Examining their explorations of perspectival thinking, this article argues that, taken together, they are strikingly discordant. While Arendt exalts it, Koestler and Orwell problematize perspectival thinking, and Orwell even sees it as evil. The three thinkers thus articulate a dramatically polyvocal understanding of perspectival thinking, creating a remarkable dissonance in modern European thought.

The early twentieth century saw a renewed critical interest in the expressive potential of dance, sparked by the overwhelming success of Diaghilev's Ballets Russes. Taking Camille Mauclair's 1912 review “Karsavina et Mallarmé” as a point of departure, this article explores contemporary attitudes toward the dancing woman, the sexual potential of her body, and the desire to transcend (or erase) her corporeality. For Mauclair, Mallarmé's writings provided an intellectual lens through which dance could be detached from the physicality of the danseuse and recast as a serious artistic and intellectual pursuit. This article argues that Mauclair and other critics who sought to abstract dance from the dancer collectively articulated a cohesive alternative to the supposed “physical imperative” of this period.

Over the last forty years, scholars have interpreted the early modern public execution ritual variously as an affirmation of state power, a chance for victims to fashion a memorable identity on the scaffold, and a site of festivity for those gathered to witness. What, though, do we make of the public execution of a dog? This article considers the 1677 hanging of a dog and its female owner for the crime of bestiality, focusing on early modern English beliefs about animals, human sexuality, and punishment. In sixteenth- and seventeenth-century England, reasons for killing animals involved in bestiality found their basis in interpretations of biblical texts, anxieties about animal familiars, fears of crossbreeding, and a desire to maintain boundaries between beasts and humans. This dog's execution, which occurred publicly and was memorialized in print, complicates the usual understandings of public execution, effectively queering the ritual by destabilizing its meaning.

This article engages with the role of the parish priests in Malta in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. It focuses especially on their degree of professionalization by examining their relations with the bishop and with the other members of the clergy and the laity. It concludes that, as in other countries, it was difficult for the decrees of the council of Trent to be fully implemented in Malta. If some parish priests were diligent in exercising their duty, others preferred to put their personal interests before those of their flock. For some, the gaining of money was their besetting sin with the result that running feuds were an inseparable part of most parishes.

Emulating Arthur Hertzberg's study, The French Enlightenment and the Jews (1968), many scholars have condemned Voltaire for anti-semitism without considering his ironical writing style, amply evident in Candide. The Philosophical Dictionary, a synopsis of his views on diverse historical, ethical, political, and religious matters, may be culled for matter pertaining to his opinion of Jews and Judaism. A careful analysis of some of Voltaire's controversial statements in the Philosophical Dictionary, often interpreted as anti-Jewish, reveals that he appreciated the Jewish people's abilities and aspirations. His most satirical and hostile comments about the “barbarity” and relative historical insignificance of the Jews—contrary to some historians, he never said that they sought to rule the world, until some former Jews catastrophically transitioned into the infâme, the Christian Church, epitome of evil—usually involved his discussion of the mythical, biblical Jews of Old Testament stories, in whose truth he occasionally pretended to believe.

Using eyewitness accounts by some French writers who sojourned in Macau during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, this article investigates Macanese history from French perspectives. Attention is given to history, culture, and literature within writers’ interpretations. A distinct feature of Macanese history in this period is a story of the conflict between changed and unchanged, glory and decline, temporariness and timelessness. Imbued with admiration, reminiscence, and critique, the observations made by the French writers form a unique panoramic view over Macau. Such observations illustrate how Western culture examined itself, here represented as Portuguese culture, and the manifestations of this particular culture after being transplanted into another country far from the homeland. Integration of French perspectives can enhance the writing of Macanese history by providing particular insights and literary discernment.

This article examines a dramatic aporia in modern European intellectual history, involving what it calls “perspectival thinking”—a way of thinking in which an individual assumes and thinks from the perspectives of others. This paradox appears in the work on totalitarianism of Europe's three foremost thinkers on totalitarianism—Hannah Arendt, Arthur Koestler, and George Orwell. Examining their explorations of perspectival thinking, this article argues that, taken together, they are strikingly discordant. While Arendt exalts it, Koestler and Orwell problematize perspectival thinking, and Orwell even sees it as evil. The three thinkers thus articulate a dramatically polyvocal understanding of perspectival thinking, creating a remarkable dissonance in modern European thought.

The early twentieth century saw a renewed critical interest in the expressive potential of dance, sparked by the overwhelming success of Diaghilev's Ballets Russes. Taking Camille Mauclair's 1912 review “Karsavina et Mallarmé” as a point of departure, this article explores contemporary attitudes toward the dancing woman, the sexual potential of her body, and the desire to transcend (or erase) her corporeality. For Mauclair, Mallarmé's writings provided an intellectual lens through which dance could be detached from the physicality of the danseuse and recast as a serious artistic and intellectual pursuit. This article argues that Mauclair and other critics who sought to abstract dance from the dancer collectively articulated a cohesive alternative to the supposed “physical imperative” of this period.

Megan Brown, The Seventh Member State: Algeria, France, and the European Community. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2022. Bibliography and index. 369 pp. $39.95 (hb) ISBN 978067425114.

Peter Mulholland, Love's Betrayal: The Decline of Catholicism and Rise of New Religions in Ireland. Oxford and Bern: Peter Lang, 2019. Bibliography and index. 362 pp. $90.95 (hb) ISBN 9781787071278.

The study of violence has emerged as an important analytical category for historical analysis, especially in the areas where Europeans attempted to establish either dominance or colonies, such as Ireland, North America, Asia, and the Middle East. This article surveys some recent work on colonial violence, in which historians have tried to distinguish between different types of violence and have pointed to the importance of intelligence gathering, fear, and emotion as analytical tools for understanding the nature of colonial violence.

The study of violence has emerged as an important analytical category for historical analysis, especially in the areas where Europeans attempted to establish either dominance or colonies, such as Ireland, North America, Asia, and the Middle East. This article surveys some recent work on colonial violence, in which historians have tried to distinguish between different types of violence and have pointed to the importance of intelligence gathering, fear, and emotion as analytical tools for understanding the nature of colonial violence.

Throughout 2020 and 2021, bells have rung in a variety of COVID-related rituals in the West, ranging from large-scale religious and civic rites, to ad hoc neighborhood and hospital initiatives, to anti-racist memorials that simultaneously spoke to the health crisis at hand. Taking stock of how these COVID bell-ringing rituals were formalized, their structures and actions, and the historical precedents from which they drew their meanings, this article investigates what the sounds of bells and the rituals of bell-ringing communicated about COVID, how they shaped our personal and collective experiences of the crisis, and what functions they were expected to serve during this liminal period. It reveals how, owing to the historical polysemy of bells on the one hand and the social uncertainties of living with COVID on the other, those rituals generated vivid symbolisms and mobilized powerful emotions that sometimes brought about unintended consequences.

The study of violence has emerged as an important analytical category for historical analysis, especially in the areas where Europeans attempted to establish either dominance or colonies, such as Ireland, North America, Asia, and the Middle East. This article surveys some recent work on colonial violence, in which historians have tried to distinguish between different types of violence and have pointed to the importance of intelligence gathering, fear, and emotion as analytical tools for understanding the nature of colonial violence.

Throughout 2020 and 2021, bells have rung in a variety of COVID-related rituals in the West, ranging from large-scale religious and civic rites, to ad hoc neighborhood and hospital initiatives, to anti-racist memorials that simultaneously spoke to the health crisis at hand. Taking stock of how these COVID bell-ringing rituals were formalized, their structures and actions, and the historical precedents from which they drew their meanings, this article investigates what the sounds of bells and the rituals of bell-ringing communicated about COVID, how they shaped our personal and collective experiences of the crisis, and what functions they were expected to serve during this liminal period. It reveals how, owing to the historical polysemy of bells on the one hand and the social uncertainties of living with COVID on the other, those rituals generated vivid symbolisms and mobilized powerful emotions that sometimes brought about unintended consequences.

The French Revolution profoundly influenced many of the ideas and institutions that created the modern world. This far-reaching revolutionary upheaval drew widely on eighteenth-century Enlightenment culture to construct and spread modern ideas about human rights, republicanism, legal equality, nationalism, and the value of scientific knowledge. At the same time, France's revolutionary leaders began to create new institutions that France and other modern countries would use to develop large state bureaucracies, mass conscription armies, centralized monetary and taxation systems, nationwide legal codes and police surveillance, carefully orchestrated public rituals, and new plans for public education.

The study of violence has emerged as an important analytical category for historical analysis, especially in the areas where Europeans attempted to establish either dominance or colonies, such as Ireland, North America, Asia, and the Middle East. This article surveys some recent work on colonial violence, in which historians have tried to distinguish between different types of violence and have pointed to the importance of intelligence gathering, fear, and emotion as analytical tools for understanding the nature of colonial violence.

Throughout 2020 and 2021, bells have rung in a variety of COVID-related rituals in the West, ranging from large-scale religious and civic rites, to ad hoc neighborhood and hospital initiatives, to anti-racist memorials that simultaneously spoke to the health crisis at hand. Taking stock of how these COVID bell-ringing rituals were formalized, their structures and actions, and the historical precedents from which they drew their meanings, this article investigates what the sounds of bells and the rituals of bell-ringing communicated about COVID, how they shaped our personal and collective experiences of the crisis, and what functions they were expected to serve during this liminal period. It reveals how, owing to the historical polysemy of bells on the one hand and the social uncertainties of living with COVID on the other, those rituals generated vivid symbolisms and mobilized powerful emotions that sometimes brought about unintended consequences.

The French Revolution profoundly influenced many of the ideas and institutions that created the modern world. This far-reaching revolutionary upheaval drew widely on eighteenth-century Enlightenment culture to construct and spread modern ideas about human rights, republicanism, legal equality, nationalism, and the value of scientific knowledge. At the same time, France's revolutionary leaders began to create new institutions that France and other modern countries would use to develop large state bureaucracies, mass conscription armies, centralized monetary and taxation systems, nationwide legal codes and police surveillance, carefully orchestrated public rituals, and new plans for public education.

The thousands of aristocratic emigrants from revolutionary France who found asylum in the independent German city city-state of Hamburg and the neighboring Danish city of Altona were not the only immigrants arriving in the neutral ports. Alongside these flamboyant newcomers, merchants, scholars, artisans, and others continued, as they had for decades, to come in pursuit of the economic opportunities denied them at home. With harbors on the Elbe River just downstream from the North Sea, the two cosmopolitan port cities flourished as wars and revolution roiled the rest of Europe. Diplomatically neutral and open to trade, these two cities opened their doors to newcomers from around the world. Over the decade, the aristocrats, who thought themselves cosmopolitan, tested their welcome in the prosperous ports with no native nobility. While most of the newcomers assimilated readily, contributing to the ports’ prosperity, the aristocrats left to reclaim what remained of their estates.

The study of violence has emerged as an important analytical category for historical analysis, especially in the areas where Europeans attempted to establish either dominance or colonies, such as Ireland, North America, Asia, and the Middle East. This article surveys some recent work on colonial violence, in which historians have tried to distinguish between different types of violence and have pointed to the importance of intelligence gathering, fear, and emotion as analytical tools for understanding the nature of colonial violence.

Throughout 2020 and 2021, bells have rung in a variety of COVID-related rituals in the West, ranging from large-scale religious and civic rites, to ad hoc neighborhood and hospital initiatives, to anti-racist memorials that simultaneously spoke to the health crisis at hand. Taking stock of how these COVID bell-ringing rituals were formalized, their structures and actions, and the historical precedents from which they drew their meanings, this article investigates what the sounds of bells and the rituals of bell-ringing communicated about COVID, how they shaped our personal and collective experiences of the crisis, and what functions they were expected to serve during this liminal period. It reveals how, owing to the historical polysemy of bells on the one hand and the social uncertainties of living with COVID on the other, those rituals generated vivid symbolisms and mobilized powerful emotions that sometimes brought about unintended consequences.

The French Revolution profoundly influenced many of the ideas and institutions that created the modern world. This far-reaching revolutionary upheaval drew widely on eighteenth-century Enlightenment culture to construct and spread modern ideas about human rights, republicanism, legal equality, nationalism, and the value of scientific knowledge. At the same time, France's revolutionary leaders began to create new institutions that France and other modern countries would use to develop large state bureaucracies, mass conscription armies, centralized monetary and taxation systems, nationwide legal codes and police surveillance, carefully orchestrated public rituals, and new plans for public education.

The thousands of aristocratic emigrants from revolutionary France who found asylum in the independent German city city-state of Hamburg and the neighboring Danish city of Altona were not the only immigrants arriving in the neutral ports. Alongside these flamboyant newcomers, merchants, scholars, artisans, and others continued, as they had for decades, to come in pursuit of the economic opportunities denied them at home. With harbors on the Elbe River just downstream from the North Sea, the two cosmopolitan port cities flourished as wars and revolution roiled the rest of Europe. Diplomatically neutral and open to trade, these two cities opened their doors to newcomers from around the world. Over the decade, the aristocrats, who thought themselves cosmopolitan, tested their welcome in the prosperous ports with no native nobility. While most of the newcomers assimilated readily, contributing to the ports’ prosperity, the aristocrats left to reclaim what remained of their estates.

During the French Revolution, thousands of French refugees migrated through the Channel borderlands. At least four thousand settled there. The Channel Island of Jersey served as the loci of migration where economic life operated under “refugeedom,” a polity both apart from and particular to state authority. Refugeedom—in its alterity—suggests a matrix of economic conditions, legal codes, and social relations that can explain the lives of people in the French Revolution's emigration. This study of economic migration offers a way to reframe the French emigration as opportunism and resilience. Refugeedom serves as the analytic framework to understand economic migration, not only as a political crisis of displaced people in the midst of revolution—those seeking refuge from war, persecution, famine, and other hardships—but also as part of a strategy of survival, one that includes the economic migration of labor.

The study of violence has emerged as an important analytical category for historical analysis, especially in the areas where Europeans attempted to establish either dominance or colonies, such as Ireland, North America, Asia, and the Middle East. This article surveys some recent work on colonial violence, in which historians have tried to distinguish between different types of violence and have pointed to the importance of intelligence gathering, fear, and emotion as analytical tools for understanding the nature of colonial violence.

Throughout 2020 and 2021, bells have rung in a variety of COVID-related rituals in the West, ranging from large-scale religious and civic rites, to ad hoc neighborhood and hospital initiatives, to anti-racist memorials that simultaneously spoke to the health crisis at hand. Taking stock of how these COVID bell-ringing rituals were formalized, their structures and actions, and the historical precedents from which they drew their meanings, this article investigates what the sounds of bells and the rituals of bell-ringing communicated about COVID, how they shaped our personal and collective experiences of the crisis, and what functions they were expected to serve during this liminal period. It reveals how, owing to the historical polysemy of bells on the one hand and the social uncertainties of living with COVID on the other, those rituals generated vivid symbolisms and mobilized powerful emotions that sometimes brought about unintended consequences.

The French Revolution profoundly influenced many of the ideas and institutions that created the modern world. This far-reaching revolutionary upheaval drew widely on eighteenth-century Enlightenment culture to construct and spread modern ideas about human rights, republicanism, legal equality, nationalism, and the value of scientific knowledge. At the same time, France's revolutionary leaders began to create new institutions that France and other modern countries would use to develop large state bureaucracies, mass conscription armies, centralized monetary and taxation systems, nationwide legal codes and police surveillance, carefully orchestrated public rituals, and new plans for public education.

The thousands of aristocratic emigrants from revolutionary France who found asylum in the independent German city city-state of Hamburg and the neighboring Danish city of Altona were not the only immigrants arriving in the neutral ports. Alongside these flamboyant newcomers, merchants, scholars, artisans, and others continued, as they had for decades, to come in pursuit of the economic opportunities denied them at home. With harbors on the Elbe River just downstream from the North Sea, the two cosmopolitan port cities flourished as wars and revolution roiled the rest of Europe. Diplomatically neutral and open to trade, these two cities opened their doors to newcomers from around the world. Over the decade, the aristocrats, who thought themselves cosmopolitan, tested their welcome in the prosperous ports with no native nobility. While most of the newcomers assimilated readily, contributing to the ports’ prosperity, the aristocrats left to reclaim what remained of their estates.

During the French Revolution, thousands of French refugees migrated through the Channel borderlands. At least four thousand settled there. The Channel Island of Jersey served as the loci of migration where economic life operated under “refugeedom,” a polity both apart from and particular to state authority. Refugeedom—in its alterity—suggests a matrix of economic conditions, legal codes, and social relations that can explain the lives of people in the French Revolution's emigration. This study of economic migration offers a way to reframe the French emigration as opportunism and resilience. Refugeedom serves as the analytic framework to understand economic migration, not only as a political crisis of displaced people in the midst of revolution—those seeking refuge from war, persecution, famine, and other hardships—but also as part of a strategy of survival, one that includes the economic migration of labor.

Britain sheltered thousands of French refugees fleeing the Revolution. Relief organized on their behalf was unique at the time because it included both charitable and government-funded aid to temporary foreign residents. Resources were channeled through nongovernmental voluntary bodies in the French community and distributed by Jean-François de la Marche, the exiled Bishop of Saint Pol de Léon. The emigrants of the 1790s were agents of their own survival, but they also depended on diverse forms of support in host countries. That story has clear parallels in our own time. Eighteenth-century British relief also served as a precursor for subsequent humanitarian funding for victims of war and persecution.

The study of violence has emerged as an important analytical category for historical analysis, especially in the areas where Europeans attempted to establish either dominance or colonies, such as Ireland, North America, Asia, and the Middle East. This article surveys some recent work on colonial violence, in which historians have tried to distinguish between different types of violence and have pointed to the importance of intelligence gathering, fear, and emotion as analytical tools for understanding the nature of colonial violence.

Throughout 2020 and 2021, bells have rung in a variety of COVID-related rituals in the West, ranging from large-scale religious and civic rites, to ad hoc neighborhood and hospital initiatives, to anti-racist memorials that simultaneously spoke to the health crisis at hand. Taking stock of how these COVID bell-ringing rituals were formalized, their structures and actions, and the historical precedents from which they drew their meanings, this article investigates what the sounds of bells and the rituals of bell-ringing communicated about COVID, how they shaped our personal and collective experiences of the crisis, and what functions they were expected to serve during this liminal period. It reveals how, owing to the historical polysemy of bells on the one hand and the social uncertainties of living with COVID on the other, those rituals generated vivid symbolisms and mobilized powerful emotions that sometimes brought about unintended consequences.

The French Revolution profoundly influenced many of the ideas and institutions that created the modern world. This far-reaching revolutionary upheaval drew widely on eighteenth-century Enlightenment culture to construct and spread modern ideas about human rights, republicanism, legal equality, nationalism, and the value of scientific knowledge. At the same time, France's revolutionary leaders began to create new institutions that France and other modern countries would use to develop large state bureaucracies, mass conscription armies, centralized monetary and taxation systems, nationwide legal codes and police surveillance, carefully orchestrated public rituals, and new plans for public education.

The thousands of aristocratic emigrants from revolutionary France who found asylum in the independent German city city-state of Hamburg and the neighboring Danish city of Altona were not the only immigrants arriving in the neutral ports. Alongside these flamboyant newcomers, merchants, scholars, artisans, and others continued, as they had for decades, to come in pursuit of the economic opportunities denied them at home. With harbors on the Elbe River just downstream from the North Sea, the two cosmopolitan port cities flourished as wars and revolution roiled the rest of Europe. Diplomatically neutral and open to trade, these two cities opened their doors to newcomers from around the world. Over the decade, the aristocrats, who thought themselves cosmopolitan, tested their welcome in the prosperous ports with no native nobility. While most of the newcomers assimilated readily, contributing to the ports’ prosperity, the aristocrats left to reclaim what remained of their estates.

During the French Revolution, thousands of French refugees migrated through the Channel borderlands. At least four thousand settled there. The Channel Island of Jersey served as the loci of migration where economic life operated under “refugeedom,” a polity both apart from and particular to state authority. Refugeedom—in its alterity—suggests a matrix of economic conditions, legal codes, and social relations that can explain the lives of people in the French Revolution's emigration. This study of economic migration offers a way to reframe the French emigration as opportunism and resilience. Refugeedom serves as the analytic framework to understand economic migration, not only as a political crisis of displaced people in the midst of revolution—those seeking refuge from war, persecution, famine, and other hardships—but also as part of a strategy of survival, one that includes the economic migration of labor.

Britain sheltered thousands of French refugees fleeing the Revolution. Relief organized on their behalf was unique at the time because it included both charitable and government-funded aid to temporary foreign residents. Resources were channeled through nongovernmental voluntary bodies in the French community and distributed by Jean-François de la Marche, the exiled Bishop of Saint Pol de Léon. The emigrants of the 1790s were agents of their own survival, but they also depended on diverse forms of support in host countries. That story has clear parallels in our own time. Eighteenth-century British relief also served as a precursor for subsequent humanitarian funding for victims of war and persecution.

This article argues that France's conquest and subsequent legal treatment of Algeria as an integral part of France, though without French citizenship for Algerians, served as a transnational precedent for US incorporation of former Spanish colonies in the early twentieth century. While the United States also drew lessons from British colonial policy, as scholarship has shown, France's republican empire offered particular tools, which scholars have not studied, for US courts to designate Filipinos and Puerto Ricans like French Algerians. In essence, French Algeria provided an example for US jurists to create an imperial category for new territorial peoples as neither US citizens nor foreign subjects but as “nationals.” The article draws principally on the so-called Insular Cases, US newspapers, and political documents. The article exposes transnational connections between the United States and France in constructing empires of white freedom, no less important than imagined Anglo-Saxonism at the time.

This article investigates the role of physical and astronomical notions in the formation process of transnational political ideologies. It does so by focusing on the striking example of nineteenth-century early socialist movements, particularly Fourierism. Indeed, Fourier's bold cosmogony enabled him to connect many fields of knowledge, and soon became a powerful vehicle for his ideas on the international scale. The article likewise analyses the ideological process through which Fourierist astronomical conceptions were adopted by foreign socialists, focusing on examples of Polish thinkers such as Jan Czyński and Stanisław Bratkowski who, in drawing on Fourierist ideas and usage of scientific terms, tried to embed his vocabulary in the ongoing nineteenth-century debates about Polish history and, more generally, the burning issue of the independence of the Polish state. Our comparative analysis highlights the contextual influences which contributed to re-shaping such ideas within a new absorbing context.

This article investigates the role of physical and astronomical notions in the formation process of transnational political ideologies. It does so by focusing on the striking example of nineteenth-century early socialist movements, particularly Fourierism. Indeed, Fourier's bold cosmogony enabled him to connect many fields of knowledge, and soon became a powerful vehicle for his ideas on the international scale. The article likewise analyses the ideological process through which Fourierist astronomical conceptions were adopted by foreign socialists, focusing on examples of Polish thinkers such as Jan Czyński and Stanisław Bratkowski who, in drawing on Fourierist ideas and usage of scientific terms, tried to embed his vocabulary in the ongoing nineteenth-century debates about Polish history and, more generally, the burning issue of the independence of the Polish state. Our comparative analysis highlights the contextual influences which contributed to re-shaping such ideas within a new absorbing context.

A close reading of chapters XXVI–XXXIII of Capital, vol. I (1865–1867) shows that Marx (mis)took the contingencies of English history for genuine historical necessities. But it also shows that landowners form an actual social class in Capital, one that plays an actual role in Marx's own theory of value. In fact, reading these chapters allows us to confidently answer that famous rhetorical question Marx first asked himself in chapter LII of Capital, vol. III (1864–1865): “Was macht Lohnarbeiter, Kapitalisten, Grundeigenthümer zu Bildnern der drei großen gesellschaftlichen Klassen?” (“Comment se fait-il que ce soient les ouvriers salariés, les capitalistes et les propriétaires fonciers qui constituent les trois grandes classes de la société?”). Unlike what we are sometimes led to believe, Marx actually answered that question.

This article investigates the role of physical and astronomical notions in the formation process of transnational political ideologies. It does so by focusing on the striking example of nineteenth-century early socialist movements, particularly Fourierism. Indeed, Fourier's bold cosmogony enabled him to connect many fields of knowledge, and soon became a powerful vehicle for his ideas on the international scale. The article likewise analyses the ideological process through which Fourierist astronomical conceptions were adopted by foreign socialists, focusing on examples of Polish thinkers such as Jan Czyński and Stanisław Bratkowski who, in drawing on Fourierist ideas and usage of scientific terms, tried to embed his vocabulary in the ongoing nineteenth-century debates about Polish history and, more generally, the burning issue of the independence of the Polish state. Our comparative analysis highlights the contextual influences which contributed to re-shaping such ideas within a new absorbing context.

A close reading of chapters XXVI–XXXIII of Capital, vol. I (1865–1867) shows that Marx (mis)took the contingencies of English history for genuine historical necessities. But it also shows that landowners form an actual social class in Capital, one that plays an actual role in Marx's own theory of value. In fact, reading these chapters allows us to confidently answer that famous rhetorical question Marx first asked himself in chapter LII of Capital, vol. III (1864–1865): “Was macht Lohnarbeiter, Kapitalisten, Grundeigenthümer zu Bildnern der drei großen gesellschaftlichen Klassen?” (“Comment se fait-il que ce soient les ouvriers salariés, les capitalistes et les propriétaires fonciers qui constituent les trois grandes classes de la société?”). Unlike what we are sometimes led to believe, Marx actually answered that question.

East German sinologists organized an international conference on East Asian studies in Leipzig in October 1955, bringing together scholars from most communist states and several scholars from Western Europe. This conference served to unite sinologists from both the Communist Bloc and West Germany in the early Cold War era. Since the Chinese delegation was particularly honored, this article suggests that China expanded its political influence in East Europe after the Korean War and the death of Stalin, which prompted a tension within the international communist community, especially between China and the Soviet Union. Moreover, this conference demonstrated a strong “modern turn” in the rising field of Asian studies, sinology in particular, because of the rise of the People's Republic of China in the 1950s.

This article investigates the role of physical and astronomical notions in the formation process of transnational political ideologies. It does so by focusing on the striking example of nineteenth-century early socialist movements, particularly Fourierism. Indeed, Fourier's bold cosmogony enabled him to connect many fields of knowledge, and soon became a powerful vehicle for his ideas on the international scale. The article likewise analyses the ideological process through which Fourierist astronomical conceptions were adopted by foreign socialists, focusing on examples of Polish thinkers such as Jan Czyński and Stanisław Bratkowski who, in drawing on Fourierist ideas and usage of scientific terms, tried to embed his vocabulary in the ongoing nineteenth-century debates about Polish history and, more generally, the burning issue of the independence of the Polish state. Our comparative analysis highlights the contextual influences which contributed to re-shaping such ideas within a new absorbing context.

A close reading of chapters XXVI–XXXIII of Capital, vol. I (1865–1867) shows that Marx (mis)took the contingencies of English history for genuine historical necessities. But it also shows that landowners form an actual social class in Capital, one that plays an actual role in Marx's own theory of value. In fact, reading these chapters allows us to confidently answer that famous rhetorical question Marx first asked himself in chapter LII of Capital, vol. III (1864–1865): “Was macht Lohnarbeiter, Kapitalisten, Grundeigenthümer zu Bildnern der drei großen gesellschaftlichen Klassen?” (“Comment se fait-il que ce soient les ouvriers salariés, les capitalistes et les propriétaires fonciers qui constituent les trois grandes classes de la société?”). Unlike what we are sometimes led to believe, Marx actually answered that question.

East German sinologists organized an international conference on East Asian studies in Leipzig in October 1955, bringing together scholars from most communist states and several scholars from Western Europe. This conference served to unite sinologists from both the Communist Bloc and West Germany in the early Cold War era. Since the Chinese delegation was particularly honored, this article suggests that China expanded its political influence in East Europe after the Korean War and the death of Stalin, which prompted a tension within the international communist community, especially between China and the Soviet Union. Moreover, this conference demonstrated a strong “modern turn” in the rising field of Asian studies, sinology in particular, because of the rise of the People's Republic of China in the 1950s.

This article examines the issue of identity as expressed in the historical journey of the intellectual movement Présence Africaine. It highlights a fundamental dimension of the commitment of that movement not yet explored in academic research. The current study uncovers the challenges and the great events that shaped the reputation of Présence Africaine as an African intellectual movement with a journal and a publishing house. It also deals with the identity issue through philosophical and theological debates as well as in reference to the independence era in Africa. The relevance of such a study is due to the topicality of the identity issue for contemporary societies.

This article investigates the role of physical and astronomical notions in the formation process of transnational political ideologies. It does so by focusing on the striking example of nineteenth-century early socialist movements, particularly Fourierism. Indeed, Fourier's bold cosmogony enabled him to connect many fields of knowledge, and soon became a powerful vehicle for his ideas on the international scale. The article likewise analyses the ideological process through which Fourierist astronomical conceptions were adopted by foreign socialists, focusing on examples of Polish thinkers such as Jan Czyński and Stanisław Bratkowski who, in drawing on Fourierist ideas and usage of scientific terms, tried to embed his vocabulary in the ongoing nineteenth-century debates about Polish history and, more generally, the burning issue of the independence of the Polish state. Our comparative analysis highlights the contextual influences which contributed to re-shaping such ideas within a new absorbing context.

A close reading of chapters XXVI–XXXIII of Capital, vol. I (1865–1867) shows that Marx (mis)took the contingencies of English history for genuine historical necessities. But it also shows that landowners form an actual social class in Capital, one that plays an actual role in Marx's own theory of value. In fact, reading these chapters allows us to confidently answer that famous rhetorical question Marx first asked himself in chapter LII of Capital, vol. III (1864–1865): “Was macht Lohnarbeiter, Kapitalisten, Grundeigenthümer zu Bildnern der drei großen gesellschaftlichen Klassen?” (“Comment se fait-il que ce soient les ouvriers salariés, les capitalistes et les propriétaires fonciers qui constituent les trois grandes classes de la société?”). Unlike what we are sometimes led to believe, Marx actually answered that question.

East German sinologists organized an international conference on East Asian studies in Leipzig in October 1955, bringing together scholars from most communist states and several scholars from Western Europe. This conference served to unite sinologists from both the Communist Bloc and West Germany in the early Cold War era. Since the Chinese delegation was particularly honored, this article suggests that China expanded its political influence in East Europe after the Korean War and the death of Stalin, which prompted a tension within the international communist community, especially between China and the Soviet Union. Moreover, this conference demonstrated a strong “modern turn” in the rising field of Asian studies, sinology in particular, because of the rise of the People's Republic of China in the 1950s.

This article examines the issue of identity as expressed in the historical journey of the intellectual movement Présence Africaine. It highlights a fundamental dimension of the commitment of that movement not yet explored in academic research. The current study uncovers the challenges and the great events that shaped the reputation of Présence Africaine as an African intellectual movement with a journal and a publishing house. It also deals with the identity issue through philosophical and theological debates as well as in reference to the independence era in Africa. The relevance of such a study is due to the topicality of the identity issue for contemporary societies.

This article concerns radical leftist subversive organizations in Western Europe in the 1970s and 1980s and their transnational shared imagination. It shows that despite the scarcity of direct contacts, there existed a sense of belonging to the same transnational current, the “imagined community.” On selected criteria (Images – Semantics – Practice), the article provides analysis of the shared tropes in self-perception and in the communication. The patterns were shared among the Western European subversive organizations but also imported from the countries of the Global South. The article further presents the lack of effort of the subversive organizations to create their own mark and graphic identity, whether consciously or not, to become a part of the “global anti-imperialist front.” It puts into question the utility of the traditional categorization of subversive organizations and discusses the use of the term “terrorism” regarding its self-perception and global context.

In recent years, it has become commonplace to argue that space is an important topic in the humanities and social sciences. But what does space do? Can we speak of space as having agency? Historians’ responses to these questions are strikingly varied. Some propose an almost deterministic role for spatial characteristics, while others deny that space can have any causal function at all. This article seeks to navigate a path between these unsatisfactory extremes. It uses insights from material culture studies and actor-network theory to discuss ways of re-framing agency as an assemblage of human and non-human affects. Agency can thus be defined not in terms of first causes and definitive outcomes, but instead as a coincidence of occurrences. This allows historians to speak of “spatial agency” as the emplacement of affective elements, the gathering of agencies at a particular site and moment.

In recent years, it has become commonplace to argue that space is an important topic in the humanities and social sciences. But what does space do? Can we speak of space as having agency? Historians’ responses to these questions are strikingly varied. Some propose an almost deterministic role for spatial characteristics, while others deny that space can have any causal function at all. This article seeks to navigate a path between these unsatisfactory extremes. It uses insights from material culture studies and actor-network theory to discuss ways of re-framing agency as an assemblage of human and non-human affects. Agency can thus be defined not in terms of first causes and definitive outcomes, but instead as a coincidence of occurrences. This allows historians to speak of “spatial agency” as the emplacement of affective elements, the gathering of agencies at a particular site and moment.

This article examines how four French memorialists recall and represent the former imperial territories of the Illyrian Provinces (1809–1813) on the eastern Adriatic seaboard. It explores how their memoirs deploy Enlightenment ethnography and Romantic exoticism in distinct ways while problematizing these approaches in light of lived experiences in the region. The article thus sheds light on the evolving character of tropes about the western Balkans in early nineteenth-century France, highlighting the influence the landscapes, cultures, and peoples of the territories had on the French officials posted there, including on their later self-presentation as memorialists.

In recent years, it has become commonplace to argue that space is an important topic in the humanities and social sciences. But what does space do? Can we speak of space as having agency? Historians’ responses to these questions are strikingly varied. Some propose an almost deterministic role for spatial characteristics, while others deny that space can have any causal function at all. This article seeks to navigate a path between these unsatisfactory extremes. It uses insights from material culture studies and actor-network theory to discuss ways of re-framing agency as an assemblage of human and non-human affects. Agency can thus be defined not in terms of first causes and definitive outcomes, but instead as a coincidence of occurrences. This allows historians to speak of “spatial agency” as the emplacement of affective elements, the gathering of agencies at a particular site and moment.

This article examines how four French memorialists recall and represent the former imperial territories of the Illyrian Provinces (1809–1813) on the eastern Adriatic seaboard. It explores how their memoirs deploy Enlightenment ethnography and Romantic exoticism in distinct ways while problematizing these approaches in light of lived experiences in the region. The article thus sheds light on the evolving character of tropes about the western Balkans in early nineteenth-century France, highlighting the influence the landscapes, cultures, and peoples of the territories had on the French officials posted there, including on their later self-presentation as memorialists.

This study focuses on disputes between small and medium tenants, who sought to formalize old land rights. The context under study is Rengo Valley, Chile, between 1820 and 1830, where there was increasing pressure to clarify rights over possessions. The analysis of a sample of 31 trials showed the relevance of the judicial use of the figure Posesión de Tiempo Inmemorial (Possession of Time Immemorial). This was a resource derived from the value of possession in the Hispanic American agrarian legal culture, one that the litigants used strategically. This study's findings provide new data on the use of socially valued legal figures in justice to defend possession, thus contributing to the discussion on the dispossession of peasants in contexts of proprietary formalization.

In recent years, it has become commonplace to argue that space is an important topic in the humanities and social sciences. But what does space do? Can we speak of space as having agency? Historians’ responses to these questions are strikingly varied. Some propose an almost deterministic role for spatial characteristics, while others deny that space can have any causal function at all. This article seeks to navigate a path between these unsatisfactory extremes. It uses insights from material culture studies and actor-network theory to discuss ways of re-framing agency as an assemblage of human and non-human affects. Agency can thus be defined not in terms of first causes and definitive outcomes, but instead as a coincidence of occurrences. This allows historians to speak of “spatial agency” as the emplacement of affective elements, the gathering of agencies at a particular site and moment.

This article examines how four French memorialists recall and represent the former imperial territories of the Illyrian Provinces (1809–1813) on the eastern Adriatic seaboard. It explores how their memoirs deploy Enlightenment ethnography and Romantic exoticism in distinct ways while problematizing these approaches in light of lived experiences in the region. The article thus sheds light on the evolving character of tropes about the western Balkans in early nineteenth-century France, highlighting the influence the landscapes, cultures, and peoples of the territories had on the French officials posted there, including on their later self-presentation as memorialists.

This study focuses on disputes between small and medium tenants, who sought to formalize old land rights. The context under study is Rengo Valley, Chile, between 1820 and 1830, where there was increasing pressure to clarify rights over possessions. The analysis of a sample of 31 trials showed the relevance of the judicial use of the figure Posesión de Tiempo Inmemorial (Possession of Time Immemorial). This was a resource derived from the value of possession in the Hispanic American agrarian legal culture, one that the litigants used strategically. This study's findings provide new data on the use of socially valued legal figures in justice to defend possession, thus contributing to the discussion on the dispossession of peasants in contexts of proprietary formalization.

Whereas the aesthetics and politics of poetic realism in French prewar cinema have been analyzed in depth, the extent to which poetic realism persisted in French cinema of the Occupation and the textual space that it created for spectators within this cultural context remain comparatively neglected. Responding to this critical oversight, this article analyzes Christian-Jaque's Voyage sans espoir (1943) and Jean Grémillon's Lumière d'été from three perspectives: first, it evinces iconography in each that was central to the 1930s poetic realist films directed by figures such as Marcel Carné, Jean Renoir, and Jacques Feyder; second, it illustrates how poetic realism's characteristic focus on gender was reconfigured during the Occupation; third, it determines how these aesthetic and social aspects spoke to French society under occupation. This article ultimately argues that poetic realist praxis persisted during the war years and constituted a major vector of resistance against German rule and the Vichy government.

In recent years, it has become commonplace to argue that space is an important topic in the humanities and social sciences. But what does space do? Can we speak of space as having agency? Historians’ responses to these questions are strikingly varied. Some propose an almost deterministic role for spatial characteristics, while others deny that space can have any causal function at all. This article seeks to navigate a path between these unsatisfactory extremes. It uses insights from material culture studies and actor-network theory to discuss ways of re-framing agency as an assemblage of human and non-human affects. Agency can thus be defined not in terms of first causes and definitive outcomes, but instead as a coincidence of occurrences. This allows historians to speak of “spatial agency” as the emplacement of affective elements, the gathering of agencies at a particular site and moment.

This article examines how four French memorialists recall and represent the former imperial territories of the Illyrian Provinces (1809–1813) on the eastern Adriatic seaboard. It explores how their memoirs deploy Enlightenment ethnography and Romantic exoticism in distinct ways while problematizing these approaches in light of lived experiences in the region. The article thus sheds light on the evolving character of tropes about the western Balkans in early nineteenth-century France, highlighting the influence the landscapes, cultures, and peoples of the territories had on the French officials posted there, including on their later self-presentation as memorialists.

This study focuses on disputes between small and medium tenants, who sought to formalize old land rights. The context under study is Rengo Valley, Chile, between 1820 and 1830, where there was increasing pressure to clarify rights over possessions. The analysis of a sample of 31 trials showed the relevance of the judicial use of the figure Posesión de Tiempo Inmemorial (Possession of Time Immemorial). This was a resource derived from the value of possession in the Hispanic American agrarian legal culture, one that the litigants used strategically. This study's findings provide new data on the use of socially valued legal figures in justice to defend possession, thus contributing to the discussion on the dispossession of peasants in contexts of proprietary formalization.

Whereas the aesthetics and politics of poetic realism in French prewar cinema have been analyzed in depth, the extent to which poetic realism persisted in French cinema of the Occupation and the textual space that it created for spectators within this cultural context remain comparatively neglected. Responding to this critical oversight, this article analyzes Christian-Jaque's Voyage sans espoir (1943) and Jean Grémillon's Lumière d'été from three perspectives: first, it evinces iconography in each that was central to the 1930s poetic realist films directed by figures such as Marcel Carné, Jean Renoir, and Jacques Feyder; second, it illustrates how poetic realism's characteristic focus on gender was reconfigured during the Occupation; third, it determines how these aesthetic and social aspects spoke to French society under occupation. This article ultimately argues that poetic realist praxis persisted during the war years and constituted a major vector of resistance against German rule and the Vichy government.

This article presents ethnographic fieldwork combined with studies of historical sources to explore modern and ancient healing rituals in Greece. It focuses on the importance of the senses, especially smell, taste, and sight, in relation to gendered practices and beliefs about healing. In Greece, healing rituals are generally connected with the domestic sphere where women are the dominant agents of power. Based upon the author's fieldwork, the article presents the “female sphere” from the perspectives of female informants. It seeks to deconstruct male perceptions of women and their magic healing rituals that appear in ancient sources produced by men, by a comparison with the modern material.

The place and function of custom as a species of law—distinguished from custom as simply polite manners or cherished cultural traditions—has long been a source of research and debate among legal theorists and historians. One school of thought, reflecting the authority of written statute in modern jurisprudence, has relegated custom in a juridical sense to “primitive” societies, whereas proper law belongs to a world of state sovereignty. Other scholars have revisited the continuing validity of custom, including a trenchant body of work on the use (and manipulation) of custom in modern colonial regimes. At the same time, some have seen benefits in the acknowledgment of custom as a source of norms. A 2006 collection of articles, for instance, explored ways in which customary law might serve as a better foundation for the sustainable development of natural resources. As David Bederman has written, “Custom can be a signal strength for any legal system—preliterate or literate, primitive or modern.”

The place and function of custom as a species of law—distinguished from custom as simply polite manners or cherished cultural traditions—has long been a source of research and debate among legal theorists and historians. One school of thought, reflecting the authority of written statute in modern jurisprudence, has relegated custom in a juridical sense to “primitive” societies, whereas proper law belongs to a world of state sovereignty. Other scholars have revisited the continuing validity of custom, including a trenchant body of work on the use (and manipulation) of custom in modern colonial regimes. At the same time, some have seen benefits in the acknowledgment of custom as a source of norms. A 2006 collection of articles, for instance, explored ways in which customary law might serve as a better foundation for the sustainable development of natural resources. As David Bederman has written, “Custom can be a signal strength for any legal system—preliterate or literate, primitive or modern.”

Le concept de coutume est une création des juristes occidentaux permettant de convertir les usages autochtones dans les termes de l'ordre juridique dominant. Si la contrainte de l'État est décisive dans la formulation de la coutume, faut-il penser qu'en Europe aussi elle fut une création étatique, les peuples ne participant guère à son épanouissement ? La mala consuetudo médiévale témoigne d'un rapport de force si bien qu'il faut restituer la pratique des usages, l'action du peuple dans la redéfinition des coutumes. L'article considère le contenu de l'expression médiévale comme une catégorie de pensée et la transpose dans l'Antiquité romaine afin de revenir sur le processus de création des consuetudines. Si la consuetudo romaine est bien une création du pouvoir, les communautés auxquelles elle s'applique parviennent aussi à contenir son périmètre. Sa pérennité tient sans doute en partie au fait qu'elle a été perçue ensuite comme un privilège communautaire.

The concept of custom is a creation of Western lawyers allowing for the conversion of indigenous uses into the terms of the dominant legal order. If the State's constraint is ultimately decisive in the formulation of custom, does that mean in Europe too it was essentially a State creation, with the peoples hardly participating in its existence? The mala consuetudo is a matter of power relations, so that it is necessary to emphasize the impact of practices, of popular action on the shaping of customs. This article considers the content of the medieval expression as a category of thought and transposes it to Roman antiquity in order to reconsider the development of consuetudines. If the Roman consuetudo was indeed a creation of power, the communities to which it applied managed to contain its perimeter. Its durability is probably due in part to the fact that it was perceived as a community privilege.

The place and function of custom as a species of law—distinguished from custom as simply polite manners or cherished cultural traditions—has long been a source of research and debate among legal theorists and historians. One school of thought, reflecting the authority of written statute in modern jurisprudence, has relegated custom in a juridical sense to “primitive” societies, whereas proper law belongs to a world of state sovereignty. Other scholars have revisited the continuing validity of custom, including a trenchant body of work on the use (and manipulation) of custom in modern colonial regimes. At the same time, some have seen benefits in the acknowledgment of custom as a source of norms. A 2006 collection of articles, for instance, explored ways in which customary law might serve as a better foundation for the sustainable development of natural resources. As David Bederman has written, “Custom can be a signal strength for any legal system—preliterate or literate, primitive or modern.”

Le concept de coutume est une création des juristes occidentaux permettant de convertir les usages autochtones dans les termes de l'ordre juridique dominant. Si la contrainte de l'État est décisive dans la formulation de la coutume, faut-il penser qu'en Europe aussi elle fut une création étatique, les peuples ne participant guère à son épanouissement ? La mala consuetudo médiévale témoigne d'un rapport de force si bien qu'il faut restituer la pratique des usages, l'action du peuple dans la redéfinition des coutumes. L'article considère le contenu de l'expression médiévale comme une catégorie de pensée et la transpose dans l'Antiquité romaine afin de revenir sur le processus de création des consuetudines. Si la consuetudo romaine est bien une création du pouvoir, les communautés auxquelles elle s'applique parviennent aussi à contenir son périmètre. Sa pérennité tient sans doute en partie au fait qu'elle a été perçue ensuite comme un privilège communautaire.

The concept of custom is a creation of Western lawyers allowing for the conversion of indigenous uses into the terms of the dominant legal order. If the State's constraint is ultimately decisive in the formulation of custom, does that mean in Europe too it was essentially a State creation, with the peoples hardly participating in its existence? The mala consuetudo is a matter of power relations, so that it is necessary to emphasize the impact of practices, of popular action on the shaping of customs. This article considers the content of the medieval expression as a category of thought and transposes it to Roman antiquity in order to reconsider the development of consuetudines. If the Roman consuetudo was indeed a creation of power, the communities to which it applied managed to contain its perimeter. Its durability is probably due in part to the fact that it was perceived as a community privilege.

This article explores “bad custom” (prava consuetudo) in Latin-Christian church law of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Drawing chiefly on papal decretal letters and the statutes of local and regional synods, it discusses the theoretical debates over bad custom, how customs came to be regarded as evil, and what prava consuetudo meant in practice. While many usages were labeled “bad,” especially troubling were those that threatened clerical status by implying lay claims to authority in the church, blurring the distinction between laity and clergy, or humiliating the professed religious. The article also asks whether legal concerns over such collective behavior that brought scandal upon the church may have been provoked by a moral discourse over prava consuetudo as sinful conduct endangering the individual soul.

The place and function of custom as a species of law—distinguished from custom as simply polite manners or cherished cultural traditions—has long been a source of research and debate among legal theorists and historians. One school of thought, reflecting the authority of written statute in modern jurisprudence, has relegated custom in a juridical sense to “primitive” societies, whereas proper law belongs to a world of state sovereignty. Other scholars have revisited the continuing validity of custom, including a trenchant body of work on the use (and manipulation) of custom in modern colonial regimes. At the same time, some have seen benefits in the acknowledgment of custom as a source of norms. A 2006 collection of articles, for instance, explored ways in which customary law might serve as a better foundation for the sustainable development of natural resources. As David Bederman has written, “Custom can be a signal strength for any legal system—preliterate or literate, primitive or modern.”

Le concept de coutume est une création des juristes occidentaux permettant de convertir les usages autochtones dans les termes de l'ordre juridique dominant. Si la contrainte de l'État est décisive dans la formulation de la coutume, faut-il penser qu'en Europe aussi elle fut une création étatique, les peuples ne participant guère à son épanouissement ? La mala consuetudo médiévale témoigne d'un rapport de force si bien qu'il faut restituer la pratique des usages, l'action du peuple dans la redéfinition des coutumes. L'article considère le contenu de l'expression médiévale comme une catégorie de pensée et la transpose dans l'Antiquité romaine afin de revenir sur le processus de création des consuetudines. Si la consuetudo romaine est bien une création du pouvoir, les communautés auxquelles elle s'applique parviennent aussi à contenir son périmètre. Sa pérennité tient sans doute en partie au fait qu'elle a été perçue ensuite comme un privilège communautaire.

The concept of custom is a creation of Western lawyers allowing for the conversion of indigenous uses into the terms of the dominant legal order. If the State's constraint is ultimately decisive in the formulation of custom, does that mean in Europe too it was essentially a State creation, with the peoples hardly participating in its existence? The mala consuetudo is a matter of power relations, so that it is necessary to emphasize the impact of practices, of popular action on the shaping of customs. This article considers the content of the medieval expression as a category of thought and transposes it to Roman antiquity in order to reconsider the development of consuetudines. If the Roman consuetudo was indeed a creation of power, the communities to which it applied managed to contain its perimeter. Its durability is probably due in part to the fact that it was perceived as a community privilege.

This article explores “bad custom” (prava consuetudo) in Latin-Christian church law of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Drawing chiefly on papal decretal letters and the statutes of local and regional synods, it discusses the theoretical debates over bad custom, how customs came to be regarded as evil, and what prava consuetudo meant in practice. While many usages were labeled “bad,” especially troubling were those that threatened clerical status by implying lay claims to authority in the church, blurring the distinction between laity and clergy, or humiliating the professed religious. The article also asks whether legal concerns over such collective behavior that brought scandal upon the church may have been provoked by a moral discourse over prava consuetudo as sinful conduct endangering the individual soul.

This article examines 45 preambles in collections of urban customary law (called custumals) from 32 premodern towns in England between the twelfth and sixteenth centuries. Urban custom was the local law of English towns, and constituted traditions and privileges that gained legal force over time. How lawmakers conceived of “bad” custom—that is, the desuetude or corruption of custom—was crucial to the intellectual framework of urban law. Evidence from preambles shows that lawmakers rooted the legitimacy of their laws in “customary time,” which was the period from the supposed origins of their customs to their formalization in text. Lawmakers’ efforts to reinforce, ratify, and revise urban customs by making new custumals and passing ordinances were attempts to broaden their autonomy and respond to the possibility of “bad” custom.

The place and function of custom as a species of law—distinguished from custom as simply polite manners or cherished cultural traditions—has long been a source of research and debate among legal theorists and historians. One school of thought, reflecting the authority of written statute in modern jurisprudence, has relegated custom in a juridical sense to “primitive” societies, whereas proper law belongs to a world of state sovereignty. Other scholars have revisited the continuing validity of custom, including a trenchant body of work on the use (and manipulation) of custom in modern colonial regimes. At the same time, some have seen benefits in the acknowledgment of custom as a source of norms. A 2006 collection of articles, for instance, explored ways in which customary law might serve as a better foundation for the sustainable development of natural resources. As David Bederman has written, “Custom can be a signal strength for any legal system—preliterate or literate, primitive or modern.”

Le concept de coutume est une création des juristes occidentaux permettant de convertir les usages autochtones dans les termes de l'ordre juridique dominant. Si la contrainte de l'État est décisive dans la formulation de la coutume, faut-il penser qu'en Europe aussi elle fut une création étatique, les peuples ne participant guère à son épanouissement ? La mala consuetudo médiévale témoigne d'un rapport de force si bien qu'il faut restituer la pratique des usages, l'action du peuple dans la redéfinition des coutumes. L'article considère le contenu de l'expression médiévale comme une catégorie de pensée et la transpose dans l'Antiquité romaine afin de revenir sur le processus de création des consuetudines. Si la consuetudo romaine est bien une création du pouvoir, les communautés auxquelles elle s'applique parviennent aussi à contenir son périmètre. Sa pérennité tient sans doute en partie au fait qu'elle a été perçue ensuite comme un privilège communautaire.

The concept of custom is a creation of Western lawyers allowing for the conversion of indigenous uses into the terms of the dominant legal order. If the State's constraint is ultimately decisive in the formulation of custom, does that mean in Europe too it was essentially a State creation, with the peoples hardly participating in its existence? The mala consuetudo is a matter of power relations, so that it is necessary to emphasize the impact of practices, of popular action on the shaping of customs. This article considers the content of the medieval expression as a category of thought and transposes it to Roman antiquity in order to reconsider the development of consuetudines. If the Roman consuetudo was indeed a creation of power, the communities to which it applied managed to contain its perimeter. Its durability is probably due in part to the fact that it was perceived as a community privilege.

This article explores “bad custom” (prava consuetudo) in Latin-Christian church law of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Drawing chiefly on papal decretal letters and the statutes of local and regional synods, it discusses the theoretical debates over bad custom, how customs came to be regarded as evil, and what prava consuetudo meant in practice. While many usages were labeled “bad,” especially troubling were those that threatened clerical status by implying lay claims to authority in the church, blurring the distinction between laity and clergy, or humiliating the professed religious. The article also asks whether legal concerns over such collective behavior that brought scandal upon the church may have been provoked by a moral discourse over prava consuetudo as sinful conduct endangering the individual soul.

This article examines 45 preambles in collections of urban customary law (called custumals) from 32 premodern towns in England between the twelfth and sixteenth centuries. Urban custom was the local law of English towns, and constituted traditions and privileges that gained legal force over time. How lawmakers conceived of “bad” custom—that is, the desuetude or corruption of custom—was crucial to the intellectual framework of urban law. Evidence from preambles shows that lawmakers rooted the legitimacy of their laws in “customary time,” which was the period from the supposed origins of their customs to their formalization in text. Lawmakers’ efforts to reinforce, ratify, and revise urban customs by making new custumals and passing ordinances were attempts to broaden their autonomy and respond to the possibility of “bad” custom.

Fifteenth-century Italian urban and ecclesiastical authorities sought to regulate the laity's conspicuous consumption of dress, sometimes resulting in canon law petitions for exemption on the grounds of custom. By exploiting an ambivalent definition of custom according to status, wealthy men and especially women successfully sidestepped regulation. Critics of luxury such as the Franciscan Observants, who encountered similar arguments in confession, countered this permissive understanding of custom with alternate criteria for determining proper dress tied to the morality of the economic behavior that made luxurious dress possible. Overlapping definitions of custom drawn from canon law and moral theology thus provided both fashionable people and their confessors a way to negotiate and contest their status.

The place and function of custom as a species of law—distinguished from custom as simply polite manners or cherished cultural traditions—has long been a source of research and debate among legal theorists and historians. One school of thought, reflecting the authority of written statute in modern jurisprudence, has relegated custom in a juridical sense to “primitive” societies, whereas proper law belongs to a world of state sovereignty. Other scholars have revisited the continuing validity of custom, including a trenchant body of work on the use (and manipulation) of custom in modern colonial regimes. At the same time, some have seen benefits in the acknowledgment of custom as a source of norms. A 2006 collection of articles, for instance, explored ways in which customary law might serve as a better foundation for the sustainable development of natural resources. As David Bederman has written, “Custom can be a signal strength for any legal system—preliterate or literate, primitive or modern.”

Le concept de coutume est une création des juristes occidentaux permettant de convertir les usages autochtones dans les termes de l'ordre juridique dominant. Si la contrainte de l'État est décisive dans la formulation de la coutume, faut-il penser qu'en Europe aussi elle fut une création étatique, les peuples ne participant guère à son épanouissement ? La mala consuetudo médiévale témoigne d'un rapport de force si bien qu'il faut restituer la pratique des usages, l'action du peuple dans la redéfinition des coutumes. L'article considère le contenu de l'expression médiévale comme une catégorie de pensée et la transpose dans l'Antiquité romaine afin de revenir sur le processus de création des consuetudines. Si la consuetudo romaine est bien une création du pouvoir, les communautés auxquelles elle s'applique parviennent aussi à contenir son périmètre. Sa pérennité tient sans doute en partie au fait qu'elle a été perçue ensuite comme un privilège communautaire.

The concept of custom is a creation of Western lawyers allowing for the conversion of indigenous uses into the terms of the dominant legal order. If the State's constraint is ultimately decisive in the formulation of custom, does that mean in Europe too it was essentially a State creation, with the peoples hardly participating in its existence? The mala consuetudo is a matter of power relations, so that it is necessary to emphasize the impact of practices, of popular action on the shaping of customs. This article considers the content of the medieval expression as a category of thought and transposes it to Roman antiquity in order to reconsider the development of consuetudines. If the Roman consuetudo was indeed a creation of power, the communities to which it applied managed to contain its perimeter. Its durability is probably due in part to the fact that it was perceived as a community privilege.

This article explores “bad custom” (prava consuetudo) in Latin-Christian church law of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Drawing chiefly on papal decretal letters and the statutes of local and regional synods, it discusses the theoretical debates over bad custom, how customs came to be regarded as evil, and what prava consuetudo meant in practice. While many usages were labeled “bad,” especially troubling were those that threatened clerical status by implying lay claims to authority in the church, blurring the distinction between laity and clergy, or humiliating the professed religious. The article also asks whether legal concerns over such collective behavior that brought scandal upon the church may have been provoked by a moral discourse over prava consuetudo as sinful conduct endangering the individual soul.

This article examines 45 preambles in collections of urban customary law (called custumals) from 32 premodern towns in England between the twelfth and sixteenth centuries. Urban custom was the local law of English towns, and constituted traditions and privileges that gained legal force over time. How lawmakers conceived of “bad” custom—that is, the desuetude or corruption of custom—was crucial to the intellectual framework of urban law. Evidence from preambles shows that lawmakers rooted the legitimacy of their laws in “customary time,” which was the period from the supposed origins of their customs to their formalization in text. Lawmakers’ efforts to reinforce, ratify, and revise urban customs by making new custumals and passing ordinances were attempts to broaden their autonomy and respond to the possibility of “bad” custom.

Fifteenth-century Italian urban and ecclesiastical authorities sought to regulate the laity's conspicuous consumption of dress, sometimes resulting in canon law petitions for exemption on the grounds of custom. By exploiting an ambivalent definition of custom according to status, wealthy men and especially women successfully sidestepped regulation. Critics of luxury such as the Franciscan Observants, who encountered similar arguments in confession, countered this permissive understanding of custom with alternate criteria for determining proper dress tied to the morality of the economic behavior that made luxurious dress possible. Overlapping definitions of custom drawn from canon law and moral theology thus provided both fashionable people and their confessors a way to negotiate and contest their status.

This article analyzes the different selves operating in Madame de Lafayette's La Princesse de Montpensier. Contrary to scholarship, which tends to position the text as a mere precursor of La Princesse de Clèves, it is in La Princesse de Montpensier where one first locates the interior. Lafayette presented a princess coming to terms with her identity, debating with different selves against a backdrop of social, historical, and political ideals. The nouvelle historique was central to the development of selves; it was an important medium through which Lafayette could perceive, explore, and contest a woman's identity in relation to society. The genre also enabled writers to examine themselves. Lafayette used it to test out her own authorial self and locate her place in the literary sphere.

The place and function of custom as a species of law—distinguished from custom as simply polite manners or cherished cultural traditions—has long been a source of research and debate among legal theorists and historians. One school of thought, reflecting the authority of written statute in modern jurisprudence, has relegated custom in a juridical sense to “primitive” societies, whereas proper law belongs to a world of state sovereignty. Other scholars have revisited the continuing validity of custom, including a trenchant body of work on the use (and manipulation) of custom in modern colonial regimes. At the same time, some have seen benefits in the acknowledgment of custom as a source of norms. A 2006 collection of articles, for instance, explored ways in which customary law might serve as a better foundation for the sustainable development of natural resources. As David Bederman has written, “Custom can be a signal strength for any legal system—preliterate or literate, primitive or modern.”

Le concept de coutume est une création des juristes occidentaux permettant de convertir les usages autochtones dans les termes de l'ordre juridique dominant. Si la contrainte de l'État est décisive dans la formulation de la coutume, faut-il penser qu'en Europe aussi elle fut une création étatique, les peuples ne participant guère à son épanouissement ? La mala consuetudo médiévale témoigne d'un rapport de force si bien qu'il faut restituer la pratique des usages, l'action du peuple dans la redéfinition des coutumes. L'article considère le contenu de l'expression médiévale comme une catégorie de pensée et la transpose dans l'Antiquité romaine afin de revenir sur le processus de création des consuetudines. Si la consuetudo romaine est bien une création du pouvoir, les communautés auxquelles elle s'applique parviennent aussi à contenir son périmètre. Sa pérennité tient sans doute en partie au fait qu'elle a été perçue ensuite comme un privilège communautaire.

The concept of custom is a creation of Western lawyers allowing for the conversion of indigenous uses into the terms of the dominant legal order. If the State's constraint is ultimately decisive in the formulation of custom, does that mean in Europe too it was essentially a State creation, with the peoples hardly participating in its existence? The mala consuetudo is a matter of power relations, so that it is necessary to emphasize the impact of practices, of popular action on the shaping of customs. This article considers the content of the medieval expression as a category of thought and transposes it to Roman antiquity in order to reconsider the development of consuetudines. If the Roman consuetudo was indeed a creation of power, the communities to which it applied managed to contain its perimeter. Its durability is probably due in part to the fact that it was perceived as a community privilege.

This article explores “bad custom” (prava consuetudo) in Latin-Christian church law of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Drawing chiefly on papal decretal letters and the statutes of local and regional synods, it discusses the theoretical debates over bad custom, how customs came to be regarded as evil, and what prava consuetudo meant in practice. While many usages were labeled “bad,” especially troubling were those that threatened clerical status by implying lay claims to authority in the church, blurring the distinction between laity and clergy, or humiliating the professed religious. The article also asks whether legal concerns over such collective behavior that brought scandal upon the church may have been provoked by a moral discourse over prava consuetudo as sinful conduct endangering the individual soul.

This article examines 45 preambles in collections of urban customary law (called custumals) from 32 premodern towns in England between the twelfth and sixteenth centuries. Urban custom was the local law of English towns, and constituted traditions and privileges that gained legal force over time. How lawmakers conceived of “bad” custom—that is, the desuetude or corruption of custom—was crucial to the intellectual framework of urban law. Evidence from preambles shows that lawmakers rooted the legitimacy of their laws in “customary time,” which was the period from the supposed origins of their customs to their formalization in text. Lawmakers’ efforts to reinforce, ratify, and revise urban customs by making new custumals and passing ordinances were attempts to broaden their autonomy and respond to the possibility of “bad” custom.

Fifteenth-century Italian urban and ecclesiastical authorities sought to regulate the laity's conspicuous consumption of dress, sometimes resulting in canon law petitions for exemption on the grounds of custom. By exploiting an ambivalent definition of custom according to status, wealthy men and especially women successfully sidestepped regulation. Critics of luxury such as the Franciscan Observants, who encountered similar arguments in confession, countered this permissive understanding of custom with alternate criteria for determining proper dress tied to the morality of the economic behavior that made luxurious dress possible. Overlapping definitions of custom drawn from canon law and moral theology thus provided both fashionable people and their confessors a way to negotiate and contest their status.

This article analyzes the different selves operating in Madame de Lafayette's La Princesse de Montpensier. Contrary to scholarship, which tends to position the text as a mere precursor of La Princesse de Clèves, it is in La Princesse de Montpensier where one first locates the interior. Lafayette presented a princess coming to terms with her identity, debating with different selves against a backdrop of social, historical, and political ideals. The nouvelle historique was central to the development of selves; it was an important medium through which Lafayette could perceive, explore, and contest a woman's identity in relation to society. The genre also enabled writers to examine themselves. Lafayette used it to test out her own authorial self and locate her place in the literary sphere.

In France, formal guild training was not as ubiquitous a means of socializing young people into a trade as it has been portrayed by scholars. Guilds were limited geographically, and in many French cities privileged enclaves controlled by clerical or noble seigneurs curbed the sway of corporate structures, or even created their own. Eighteenth-century Bordeaux provides an extreme example of how limited guild training was in France's fastest-growing city. The clerical reserves of Saint-Seurin and Saint-André that housed much of the region's industrial production had quasi-corporate structures with far more open access and fewer training requirements. In Bordeaux, journeymen contested masters’ control over labor and masters trained almost no apprentices themselves. Formal apprenticeship mattered exceptionally little when it came to training people to perform a trade in Bordeaux.

This introductory article lays out the stakes of thinking through the temporalities of Brexit history across multiple fields of vision. It makes the case for books as one archive of Brexit subjects and feelings, and it glosses all the articles in the special issue.

This introductory article lays out the stakes of thinking through the temporalities of Brexit history across multiple fields of vision. It makes the case for books as one archive of Brexit subjects and feelings, and it glosses all the articles in the special issue.

The lead-up to and the aftermath of the 2016 referendum on the United Kingdom's membership in the European Union have been characterized by particular psychic reactions and affective states: shock, perplexity, anxiety, guilt, paranoia, anger, depression, delusion, and manic elation. The debate over Brexit has played out largely in an affective register. Scholars and journalists in search of explanations have reached for psychological concepts such as amnesia and have cited feelings, specifically nostalgia and anger, as major factors. Paul Gilroy's Postcolonial Melancholia provides a more useful analytical framework for constructing histories of Brexit beyond the usual narratives of reversal, unexpected rupture, or liberation, and for unearthing the psychic attachments and affective dynamics underlying such narratives. Gilroy's conception of postimperial melancholia allows us to see the links between Brexit, anti-immigrant racism, and the obsession with national identity, and the unacknowledged and ongoing legacies of empire and decolonization in contemporary Britain.

This introductory article lays out the stakes of thinking through the temporalities of Brexit history across multiple fields of vision. It makes the case for books as one archive of Brexit subjects and feelings, and it glosses all the articles in the special issue.

The lead-up to and the aftermath of the 2016 referendum on the United Kingdom's membership in the European Union have been characterized by particular psychic reactions and affective states: shock, perplexity, anxiety, guilt, paranoia, anger, depression, delusion, and manic elation. The debate over Brexit has played out largely in an affective register. Scholars and journalists in search of explanations have reached for psychological concepts such as amnesia and have cited feelings, specifically nostalgia and anger, as major factors. Paul Gilroy's Postcolonial Melancholia provides a more useful analytical framework for constructing histories of Brexit beyond the usual narratives of reversal, unexpected rupture, or liberation, and for unearthing the psychic attachments and affective dynamics underlying such narratives. Gilroy's conception of postimperial melancholia allows us to see the links between Brexit, anti-immigrant racism, and the obsession with national identity, and the unacknowledged and ongoing legacies of empire and decolonization in contemporary Britain.

This article takes Beverley Bryan, Stella Dadzie, and Suzanne Scafe's The Heart of the Race (1985) as an invitation to consider the conditions that routinely mark formulations of Brexit Britain as they operated in the lives of Black women in Britain during the early 1980s. It explores how the text engages Black women's lives as an index of how the welfare state was both structured and experienced in such a way that demarcated racialized internal borders of Britishness, citizenship, and belonging. It also argues for the importance of embedding Black women's narratives into histories of Brexit's unfolding.

This introductory article lays out the stakes of thinking through the temporalities of Brexit history across multiple fields of vision. It makes the case for books as one archive of Brexit subjects and feelings, and it glosses all the articles in the special issue.

The lead-up to and the aftermath of the 2016 referendum on the United Kingdom's membership in the European Union have been characterized by particular psychic reactions and affective states: shock, perplexity, anxiety, guilt, paranoia, anger, depression, delusion, and manic elation. The debate over Brexit has played out largely in an affective register. Scholars and journalists in search of explanations have reached for psychological concepts such as amnesia and have cited feelings, specifically nostalgia and anger, as major factors. Paul Gilroy's Postcolonial Melancholia provides a more useful analytical framework for constructing histories of Brexit beyond the usual narratives of reversal, unexpected rupture, or liberation, and for unearthing the psychic attachments and affective dynamics underlying such narratives. Gilroy's conception of postimperial melancholia allows us to see the links between Brexit, anti-immigrant racism, and the obsession with national identity, and the unacknowledged and ongoing legacies of empire and decolonization in contemporary Britain.

This article takes Beverley Bryan, Stella Dadzie, and Suzanne Scafe's The Heart of the Race (1985) as an invitation to consider the conditions that routinely mark formulations of Brexit Britain as they operated in the lives of Black women in Britain during the early 1980s. It explores how the text engages Black women's lives as an index of how the welfare state was both structured and experienced in such a way that demarcated racialized internal borders of Britishness, citizenship, and belonging. It also argues for the importance of embedding Black women's narratives into histories of Brexit's unfolding.

Barbara Pym's fiction has been viewed as an anthropological approach to the social mores of postwar Britain. In this article, I use one of her last novels, Quartet in Autumn, to sharpen that reading to think through how Pym articulated an aesthetics of decline by trumpeting the dying world of the White English spinster. Quartet fictionalizes the agony of what Ramon Soto-Crespo calls “decapitalized Whiteness,” that is, where economic loss and a sense of racial disenfranchisement go hand in hand. The transatlantic desire it satisfied for a world that was lost yet redeemable through good old-fashioned English “women's” literature prefigures the nostalgia for a preglobal Britain that has underwritten much of Brexit's affective appeal.

This introductory article lays out the stakes of thinking through the temporalities of Brexit history across multiple fields of vision. It makes the case for books as one archive of Brexit subjects and feelings, and it glosses all the articles in the special issue.

The lead-up to and the aftermath of the 2016 referendum on the United Kingdom's membership in the European Union have been characterized by particular psychic reactions and affective states: shock, perplexity, anxiety, guilt, paranoia, anger, depression, delusion, and manic elation. The debate over Brexit has played out largely in an affective register. Scholars and journalists in search of explanations have reached for psychological concepts such as amnesia and have cited feelings, specifically nostalgia and anger, as major factors. Paul Gilroy's Postcolonial Melancholia provides a more useful analytical framework for constructing histories of Brexit beyond the usual narratives of reversal, unexpected rupture, or liberation, and for unearthing the psychic attachments and affective dynamics underlying such narratives. Gilroy's conception of postimperial melancholia allows us to see the links between Brexit, anti-immigrant racism, and the obsession with national identity, and the unacknowledged and ongoing legacies of empire and decolonization in contemporary Britain.

This article takes Beverley Bryan, Stella Dadzie, and Suzanne Scafe's The Heart of the Race (1985) as an invitation to consider the conditions that routinely mark formulations of Brexit Britain as they operated in the lives of Black women in Britain during the early 1980s. It explores how the text engages Black women's lives as an index of how the welfare state was both structured and experienced in such a way that demarcated racialized internal borders of Britishness, citizenship, and belonging. It also argues for the importance of embedding Black women's narratives into histories of Brexit's unfolding.

Barbara Pym's fiction has been viewed as an anthropological approach to the social mores of postwar Britain. In this article, I use one of her last novels, Quartet in Autumn, to sharpen that reading to think through how Pym articulated an aesthetics of decline by trumpeting the dying world of the White English spinster. Quartet fictionalizes the agony of what Ramon Soto-Crespo calls “decapitalized Whiteness,” that is, where economic loss and a sense of racial disenfranchisement go hand in hand. The transatlantic desire it satisfied for a world that was lost yet redeemable through good old-fashioned English “women's” literature prefigures the nostalgia for a preglobal Britain that has underwritten much of Brexit's affective appeal.

J. G. A. Pocock's magnum opus, The Machiavellian Moment, seems an unlikely contender as an intimation of Brexit. Published in 1975, his study of the revival of classical Republicanism in Renaissance Italy and the struggle to uphold a universal ideal of active citizenship could not be further removed from Britain's departure from the European Union forty-five years later. But the wider production context suggests that it might be worth probing the possible connections. This article examines Pocock's protracted reckoning with Britain's entry into the European Economic Community in the early 1970s amid the ruptures of empire's end. It seeks to tease out the existential underpinnings not only of the latter-day exigencies of leaving but also of the persistent habit of harnessing that ambition to a reimagining of Britain's global coordinates.

This introductory article lays out the stakes of thinking through the temporalities of Brexit history across multiple fields of vision. It makes the case for books as one archive of Brexit subjects and feelings, and it glosses all the articles in the special issue.

The lead-up to and the aftermath of the 2016 referendum on the United Kingdom's membership in the European Union have been characterized by particular psychic reactions and affective states: shock, perplexity, anxiety, guilt, paranoia, anger, depression, delusion, and manic elation. The debate over Brexit has played out largely in an affective register. Scholars and journalists in search of explanations have reached for psychological concepts such as amnesia and have cited feelings, specifically nostalgia and anger, as major factors. Paul Gilroy's Postcolonial Melancholia provides a more useful analytical framework for constructing histories of Brexit beyond the usual narratives of reversal, unexpected rupture, or liberation, and for unearthing the psychic attachments and affective dynamics underlying such narratives. Gilroy's conception of postimperial melancholia allows us to see the links between Brexit, anti-immigrant racism, and the obsession with national identity, and the unacknowledged and ongoing legacies of empire and decolonization in contemporary Britain.

This article takes Beverley Bryan, Stella Dadzie, and Suzanne Scafe's The Heart of the Race (1985) as an invitation to consider the conditions that routinely mark formulations of Brexit Britain as they operated in the lives of Black women in Britain during the early 1980s. It explores how the text engages Black women's lives as an index of how the welfare state was both structured and experienced in such a way that demarcated racialized internal borders of Britishness, citizenship, and belonging. It also argues for the importance of embedding Black women's narratives into histories of Brexit's unfolding.

Barbara Pym's fiction has been viewed as an anthropological approach to the social mores of postwar Britain. In this article, I use one of her last novels, Quartet in Autumn, to sharpen that reading to think through how Pym articulated an aesthetics of decline by trumpeting the dying world of the White English spinster. Quartet fictionalizes the agony of what Ramon Soto-Crespo calls “decapitalized Whiteness,” that is, where economic loss and a sense of racial disenfranchisement go hand in hand. The transatlantic desire it satisfied for a world that was lost yet redeemable through good old-fashioned English “women's” literature prefigures the nostalgia for a preglobal Britain that has underwritten much of Brexit's affective appeal.

J. G. A. Pocock's magnum opus, The Machiavellian Moment, seems an unlikely contender as an intimation of Brexit. Published in 1975, his study of the revival of classical Republicanism in Renaissance Italy and the struggle to uphold a universal ideal of active citizenship could not be further removed from Britain's departure from the European Union forty-five years later. But the wider production context suggests that it might be worth probing the possible connections. This article examines Pocock's protracted reckoning with Britain's entry into the European Economic Community in the early 1970s amid the ruptures of empire's end. It seeks to tease out the existential underpinnings not only of the latter-day exigencies of leaving but also of the persistent habit of harnessing that ambition to a reimagining of Britain's global coordinates.

This article explores Mark Abrams, Richard Rose, and Rita Hinden's 1960 publication Must Labour Lose? in order to demonstrate that contemporary debates around British identity and political culture are nothing new. The concerns about political, party, and national identity in this book clearly prefigure 2016 debates about Britain, not least because a specific question—how to vote—became a conversation about a broader set of ideals. This article explores how Must Labour Lose? constructed an image of British politics in 1959. It interrogates its silences around racial identity and argues that we must read race into this book and others like it. And it concludes that research like this enables a much wider understanding of the British electorate than simply how they voted.

This introductory article lays out the stakes of thinking through the temporalities of Brexit history across multiple fields of vision. It makes the case for books as one archive of Brexit subjects and feelings, and it glosses all the articles in the special issue.

The lead-up to and the aftermath of the 2016 referendum on the United Kingdom's membership in the European Union have been characterized by particular psychic reactions and affective states: shock, perplexity, anxiety, guilt, paranoia, anger, depression, delusion, and manic elation. The debate over Brexit has played out largely in an affective register. Scholars and journalists in search of explanations have reached for psychological concepts such as amnesia and have cited feelings, specifically nostalgia and anger, as major factors. Paul Gilroy's Postcolonial Melancholia provides a more useful analytical framework for constructing histories of Brexit beyond the usual narratives of reversal, unexpected rupture, or liberation, and for unearthing the psychic attachments and affective dynamics underlying such narratives. Gilroy's conception of postimperial melancholia allows us to see the links between Brexit, anti-immigrant racism, and the obsession with national identity, and the unacknowledged and ongoing legacies of empire and decolonization in contemporary Britain.

This article takes Beverley Bryan, Stella Dadzie, and Suzanne Scafe's The Heart of the Race (1985) as an invitation to consider the conditions that routinely mark formulations of Brexit Britain as they operated in the lives of Black women in Britain during the early 1980s. It explores how the text engages Black women's lives as an index of how the welfare state was both structured and experienced in such a way that demarcated racialized internal borders of Britishness, citizenship, and belonging. It also argues for the importance of embedding Black women's narratives into histories of Brexit's unfolding.

Barbara Pym's fiction has been viewed as an anthropological approach to the social mores of postwar Britain. In this article, I use one of her last novels, Quartet in Autumn, to sharpen that reading to think through how Pym articulated an aesthetics of decline by trumpeting the dying world of the White English spinster. Quartet fictionalizes the agony of what Ramon Soto-Crespo calls “decapitalized Whiteness,” that is, where economic loss and a sense of racial disenfranchisement go hand in hand. The transatlantic desire it satisfied for a world that was lost yet redeemable through good old-fashioned English “women's” literature prefigures the nostalgia for a preglobal Britain that has underwritten much of Brexit's affective appeal.

J. G. A. Pocock's magnum opus, The Machiavellian Moment, seems an unlikely contender as an intimation of Brexit. Published in 1975, his study of the revival of classical Republicanism in Renaissance Italy and the struggle to uphold a universal ideal of active citizenship could not be further removed from Britain's departure from the European Union forty-five years later. But the wider production context suggests that it might be worth probing the possible connections. This article examines Pocock's protracted reckoning with Britain's entry into the European Economic Community in the early 1970s amid the ruptures of empire's end. It seeks to tease out the existential underpinnings not only of the latter-day exigencies of leaving but also of the persistent habit of harnessing that ambition to a reimagining of Britain's global coordinates.

This article explores Mark Abrams, Richard Rose, and Rita Hinden's 1960 publication Must Labour Lose? in order to demonstrate that contemporary debates around British identity and political culture are nothing new. The concerns about political, party, and national identity in this book clearly prefigure 2016 debates about Britain, not least because a specific question—how to vote—became a conversation about a broader set of ideals. This article explores how Must Labour Lose? constructed an image of British politics in 1959. It interrogates its silences around racial identity and argues that we must read race into this book and others like it. And it concludes that research like this enables a much wider understanding of the British electorate than simply how they voted.

The anticosmopolitanism that Conservative Prime Minister Theresa May endorsed as a guiding ideology of Brexit has a long history in British discourse. This article links the anticosmopolitanism alive in Brexit to late-nineteenth-century antisemitism, racism, and antiglobalization by examining the content, context, and reception of W. T. Eady's I.D.B. or The Adventures of Solomon Davis (1887). As an effort to lampoon diamond magnate Barney Barnato's rise in society, the novel throws up warnings about how deserving English will be impoverished when Jewish immigrants and other so-called “cosmopolitans” take advantage of the mobilities enabled by British entanglements with the larger world. The novel shows how fears of globalization and European immigration comingled with a racialized sense of Englishness, all intimations of Brexit discourse.

This introductory article lays out the stakes of thinking through the temporalities of Brexit history across multiple fields of vision. It makes the case for books as one archive of Brexit subjects and feelings, and it glosses all the articles in the special issue.

The lead-up to and the aftermath of the 2016 referendum on the United Kingdom's membership in the European Union have been characterized by particular psychic reactions and affective states: shock, perplexity, anxiety, guilt, paranoia, anger, depression, delusion, and manic elation. The debate over Brexit has played out largely in an affective register. Scholars and journalists in search of explanations have reached for psychological concepts such as amnesia and have cited feelings, specifically nostalgia and anger, as major factors. Paul Gilroy's Postcolonial Melancholia provides a more useful analytical framework for constructing histories of Brexit beyond the usual narratives of reversal, unexpected rupture, or liberation, and for unearthing the psychic attachments and affective dynamics underlying such narratives. Gilroy's conception of postimperial melancholia allows us to see the links between Brexit, anti-immigrant racism, and the obsession with national identity, and the unacknowledged and ongoing legacies of empire and decolonization in contemporary Britain.

This article takes Beverley Bryan, Stella Dadzie, and Suzanne Scafe's The Heart of the Race (1985) as an invitation to consider the conditions that routinely mark formulations of Brexit Britain as they operated in the lives of Black women in Britain during the early 1980s. It explores how the text engages Black women's lives as an index of how the welfare state was both structured and experienced in such a way that demarcated racialized internal borders of Britishness, citizenship, and belonging. It also argues for the importance of embedding Black women's narratives into histories of Brexit's unfolding.

Barbara Pym's fiction has been viewed as an anthropological approach to the social mores of postwar Britain. In this article, I use one of her last novels, Quartet in Autumn, to sharpen that reading to think through how Pym articulated an aesthetics of decline by trumpeting the dying world of the White English spinster. Quartet fictionalizes the agony of what Ramon Soto-Crespo calls “decapitalized Whiteness,” that is, where economic loss and a sense of racial disenfranchisement go hand in hand. The transatlantic desire it satisfied for a world that was lost yet redeemable through good old-fashioned English “women's” literature prefigures the nostalgia for a preglobal Britain that has underwritten much of Brexit's affective appeal.

J. G. A. Pocock's magnum opus, The Machiavellian Moment, seems an unlikely contender as an intimation of Brexit. Published in 1975, his study of the revival of classical Republicanism in Renaissance Italy and the struggle to uphold a universal ideal of active citizenship could not be further removed from Britain's departure from the European Union forty-five years later. But the wider production context suggests that it might be worth probing the possible connections. This article examines Pocock's protracted reckoning with Britain's entry into the European Economic Community in the early 1970s amid the ruptures of empire's end. It seeks to tease out the existential underpinnings not only of the latter-day exigencies of leaving but also of the persistent habit of harnessing that ambition to a reimagining of Britain's global coordinates.

This article explores Mark Abrams, Richard Rose, and Rita Hinden's 1960 publication Must Labour Lose? in order to demonstrate that contemporary debates around British identity and political culture are nothing new. The concerns about political, party, and national identity in this book clearly prefigure 2016 debates about Britain, not least because a specific question—how to vote—became a conversation about a broader set of ideals. This article explores how Must Labour Lose? constructed an image of British politics in 1959. It interrogates its silences around racial identity and argues that we must read race into this book and others like it. And it concludes that research like this enables a much wider understanding of the British electorate than simply how they voted.

The anticosmopolitanism that Conservative Prime Minister Theresa May endorsed as a guiding ideology of Brexit has a long history in British discourse. This article links the anticosmopolitanism alive in Brexit to late-nineteenth-century antisemitism, racism, and antiglobalization by examining the content, context, and reception of W. T. Eady's I.D.B. or The Adventures of Solomon Davis (1887). As an effort to lampoon diamond magnate Barney Barnato's rise in society, the novel throws up warnings about how deserving English will be impoverished when Jewish immigrants and other so-called “cosmopolitans” take advantage of the mobilities enabled by British entanglements with the larger world. The novel shows how fears of globalization and European immigration comingled with a racialized sense of Englishness, all intimations of Brexit discourse.

Viewing Brexit as part of a longer history of Anglo-Saxon racial and cultural exceptionalism, this article reflects on what Samuel Butler's satirical novel Erewhon, or Over the Range (1872) can tell us about the utopian impulses informing Brexit's neoimperialist ideology and hence about British identity politics today. Set in an inward-looking, socially homogeneous, and postindustrial society somewhere in the colonial southern hemisphere, Erewhon provides an anachronistic simulacrum of both an isolationist “Little England” and an imperial “Global Britain,” critiquing the idea of the self-sufficient, ethnonationalist “island nation” by demonstrating the extent to which it relies on the racial logic of White utopianism, as well as on a disavowal of the non-British labor that supports and sustains it.

This introductory article lays out the stakes of thinking through the temporalities of Brexit history across multiple fields of vision. It makes the case for books as one archive of Brexit subjects and feelings, and it glosses all the articles in the special issue.

The lead-up to and the aftermath of the 2016 referendum on the United Kingdom's membership in the European Union have been characterized by particular psychic reactions and affective states: shock, perplexity, anxiety, guilt, paranoia, anger, depression, delusion, and manic elation. The debate over Brexit has played out largely in an affective register. Scholars and journalists in search of explanations have reached for psychological concepts such as amnesia and have cited feelings, specifically nostalgia and anger, as major factors. Paul Gilroy's Postcolonial Melancholia provides a more useful analytical framework for constructing histories of Brexit beyond the usual narratives of reversal, unexpected rupture, or liberation, and for unearthing the psychic attachments and affective dynamics underlying such narratives. Gilroy's conception of postimperial melancholia allows us to see the links between Brexit, anti-immigrant racism, and the obsession with national identity, and the unacknowledged and ongoing legacies of empire and decolonization in contemporary Britain.

This article takes Beverley Bryan, Stella Dadzie, and Suzanne Scafe's The Heart of the Race (1985) as an invitation to consider the conditions that routinely mark formulations of Brexit Britain as they operated in the lives of Black women in Britain during the early 1980s. It explores how the text engages Black women's lives as an index of how the welfare state was both structured and experienced in such a way that demarcated racialized internal borders of Britishness, citizenship, and belonging. It also argues for the importance of embedding Black women's narratives into histories of Brexit's unfolding.

Barbara Pym's fiction has been viewed as an anthropological approach to the social mores of postwar Britain. In this article, I use one of her last novels, Quartet in Autumn, to sharpen that reading to think through how Pym articulated an aesthetics of decline by trumpeting the dying world of the White English spinster. Quartet fictionalizes the agony of what Ramon Soto-Crespo calls “decapitalized Whiteness,” that is, where economic loss and a sense of racial disenfranchisement go hand in hand. The transatlantic desire it satisfied for a world that was lost yet redeemable through good old-fashioned English “women's” literature prefigures the nostalgia for a preglobal Britain that has underwritten much of Brexit's affective appeal.

J. G. A. Pocock's magnum opus, The Machiavellian Moment, seems an unlikely contender as an intimation of Brexit. Published in 1975, his study of the revival of classical Republicanism in Renaissance Italy and the struggle to uphold a universal ideal of active citizenship could not be further removed from Britain's departure from the European Union forty-five years later. But the wider production context suggests that it might be worth probing the possible connections. This article examines Pocock's protracted reckoning with Britain's entry into the European Economic Community in the early 1970s amid the ruptures of empire's end. It seeks to tease out the existential underpinnings not only of the latter-day exigencies of leaving but also of the persistent habit of harnessing that ambition to a reimagining of Britain's global coordinates.

This article explores Mark Abrams, Richard Rose, and Rita Hinden's 1960 publication Must Labour Lose? in order to demonstrate that contemporary debates around British identity and political culture are nothing new. The concerns about political, party, and national identity in this book clearly prefigure 2016 debates about Britain, not least because a specific question—how to vote—became a conversation about a broader set of ideals. This article explores how Must Labour Lose? constructed an image of British politics in 1959. It interrogates its silences around racial identity and argues that we must read race into this book and others like it. And it concludes that research like this enables a much wider understanding of the British electorate than simply how they voted.

The anticosmopolitanism that Conservative Prime Minister Theresa May endorsed as a guiding ideology of Brexit has a long history in British discourse. This article links the anticosmopolitanism alive in Brexit to late-nineteenth-century antisemitism, racism, and antiglobalization by examining the content, context, and reception of W. T. Eady's I.D.B. or The Adventures of Solomon Davis (1887). As an effort to lampoon diamond magnate Barney Barnato's rise in society, the novel throws up warnings about how deserving English will be impoverished when Jewish immigrants and other so-called “cosmopolitans” take advantage of the mobilities enabled by British entanglements with the larger world. The novel shows how fears of globalization and European immigration comingled with a racialized sense of Englishness, all intimations of Brexit discourse.

Viewing Brexit as part of a longer history of Anglo-Saxon racial and cultural exceptionalism, this article reflects on what Samuel Butler's satirical novel Erewhon, or Over the Range (1872) can tell us about the utopian impulses informing Brexit's neoimperialist ideology and hence about British identity politics today. Set in an inward-looking, socially homogeneous, and postindustrial society somewhere in the colonial southern hemisphere, Erewhon provides an anachronistic simulacrum of both an isolationist “Little England” and an imperial “Global Britain,” critiquing the idea of the self-sufficient, ethnonationalist “island nation” by demonstrating the extent to which it relies on the racial logic of White utopianism, as well as on a disavowal of the non-British labor that supports and sustains it.

This article examines the enduring influence of Charles Dilke's Greater Britain (1868), which persists today in the ambitions of Brexit's proponents. Dilke characterized Britain as the center of a world system bound together by a common identity. Yet his explanation of that identity was riddled with inconsistencies. While he cast it mainly in racial terms, he also proposed cultural and linguistic criteria. These inconsistencies would complicate the efforts to define and delineate the reach of Greater Britain by those who followed in Dilke's footsteps. This includes the leading Brexiteers who have advanced Greater Britain's modern iteration, the Anglosphere, as an alternative to EU membership.

This introductory article lays out the stakes of thinking through the temporalities of Brexit history across multiple fields of vision. It makes the case for books as one archive of Brexit subjects and feelings, and it glosses all the articles in the special issue.

The lead-up to and the aftermath of the 2016 referendum on the United Kingdom's membership in the European Union have been characterized by particular psychic reactions and affective states: shock, perplexity, anxiety, guilt, paranoia, anger, depression, delusion, and manic elation. The debate over Brexit has played out largely in an affective register. Scholars and journalists in search of explanations have reached for psychological concepts such as amnesia and have cited feelings, specifically nostalgia and anger, as major factors. Paul Gilroy's Postcolonial Melancholia provides a more useful analytical framework for constructing histories of Brexit beyond the usual narratives of reversal, unexpected rupture, or liberation, and for unearthing the psychic attachments and affective dynamics underlying such narratives. Gilroy's conception of postimperial melancholia allows us to see the links between Brexit, anti-immigrant racism, and the obsession with national identity, and the unacknowledged and ongoing legacies of empire and decolonization in contemporary Britain.

This article takes Beverley Bryan, Stella Dadzie, and Suzanne Scafe's The Heart of the Race (1985) as an invitation to consider the conditions that routinely mark formulations of Brexit Britain as they operated in the lives of Black women in Britain during the early 1980s. It explores how the text engages Black women's lives as an index of how the welfare state was both structured and experienced in such a way that demarcated racialized internal borders of Britishness, citizenship, and belonging. It also argues for the importance of embedding Black women's narratives into histories of Brexit's unfolding.

Barbara Pym's fiction has been viewed as an anthropological approach to the social mores of postwar Britain. In this article, I use one of her last novels, Quartet in Autumn, to sharpen that reading to think through how Pym articulated an aesthetics of decline by trumpeting the dying world of the White English spinster. Quartet fictionalizes the agony of what Ramon Soto-Crespo calls “decapitalized Whiteness,” that is, where economic loss and a sense of racial disenfranchisement go hand in hand. The transatlantic desire it satisfied for a world that was lost yet redeemable through good old-fashioned English “women's” literature prefigures the nostalgia for a preglobal Britain that has underwritten much of Brexit's affective appeal.

J. G. A. Pocock's magnum opus, The Machiavellian Moment, seems an unlikely contender as an intimation of Brexit. Published in 1975, his study of the revival of classical Republicanism in Renaissance Italy and the struggle to uphold a universal ideal of active citizenship could not be further removed from Britain's departure from the European Union forty-five years later. But the wider production context suggests that it might be worth probing the possible connections. This article examines Pocock's protracted reckoning with Britain's entry into the European Economic Community in the early 1970s amid the ruptures of empire's end. It seeks to tease out the existential underpinnings not only of the latter-day exigencies of leaving but also of the persistent habit of harnessing that ambition to a reimagining of Britain's global coordinates.

This article explores Mark Abrams, Richard Rose, and Rita Hinden's 1960 publication Must Labour Lose? in order to demonstrate that contemporary debates around British identity and political culture are nothing new. The concerns about political, party, and national identity in this book clearly prefigure 2016 debates about Britain, not least because a specific question—how to vote—became a conversation about a broader set of ideals. This article explores how Must Labour Lose? constructed an image of British politics in 1959. It interrogates its silences around racial identity and argues that we must read race into this book and others like it. And it concludes that research like this enables a much wider understanding of the British electorate than simply how they voted.

The anticosmopolitanism that Conservative Prime Minister Theresa May endorsed as a guiding ideology of Brexit has a long history in British discourse. This article links the anticosmopolitanism alive in Brexit to late-nineteenth-century antisemitism, racism, and antiglobalization by examining the content, context, and reception of W. T. Eady's I.D.B. or The Adventures of Solomon Davis (1887). As an effort to lampoon diamond magnate Barney Barnato's rise in society, the novel throws up warnings about how deserving English will be impoverished when Jewish immigrants and other so-called “cosmopolitans” take advantage of the mobilities enabled by British entanglements with the larger world. The novel shows how fears of globalization and European immigration comingled with a racialized sense of Englishness, all intimations of Brexit discourse.

Viewing Brexit as part of a longer history of Anglo-Saxon racial and cultural exceptionalism, this article reflects on what Samuel Butler's satirical novel Erewhon, or Over the Range (1872) can tell us about the utopian impulses informing Brexit's neoimperialist ideology and hence about British identity politics today. Set in an inward-looking, socially homogeneous, and postindustrial society somewhere in the colonial southern hemisphere, Erewhon provides an anachronistic simulacrum of both an isolationist “Little England” and an imperial “Global Britain,” critiquing the idea of the self-sufficient, ethnonationalist “island nation” by demonstrating the extent to which it relies on the racial logic of White utopianism, as well as on a disavowal of the non-British labor that supports and sustains it.

This article examines the enduring influence of Charles Dilke's Greater Britain (1868), which persists today in the ambitions of Brexit's proponents. Dilke characterized Britain as the center of a world system bound together by a common identity. Yet his explanation of that identity was riddled with inconsistencies. While he cast it mainly in racial terms, he also proposed cultural and linguistic criteria. These inconsistencies would complicate the efforts to define and delineate the reach of Greater Britain by those who followed in Dilke's footsteps. This includes the leading Brexiteers who have advanced Greater Britain's modern iteration, the Anglosphere, as an alternative to EU membership.

Taking off from a 1940 speech by Winston Churchill, I explore the shifting sensibilities underwriting the twin impact of Brexit and the COVID-19 pandemic, suggesting that a component of the current period turns on a disabling incapacity to think about a determinate political future.

This Spring 2021 issue of Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques is about cultural heritages and their transmission, focusing on the period from the middle of the eighteenth century to the present. An important stimulus for the creation of the issue was the European Year of Cultural Heritage (EYCH) in 2018. There were four main themes for the EYCH: protection, engagement, sustainability, and innovation. National coordinators and local organizers of events and initiatives across the continent adopted the unifying slogan “Our Heritage. Where the past meets the future.” The articles brought together here serve as an invitation to readers to continue reflecting on subjects and questions that were at the heart of planning for and supporting public participation in EYCH 2018. The European Year of Cultural Heritage provided myriad opportunities to discover the roles played by individuals and groups in the preservation and valorization of natural sites and landscapes, public monuments, cultural institutions, artifacts, digital resources, and intangible cultural heritage. It highlighted educational initiatives to raise awareness of multiple, diverse cultural heritages within communities and to promote intercultural dialogue. It pushed governments and nongovernmental organizations to address matters of financial investment, legal accountability, partnership management, and the shaping of policies on conservation and ownership rights. It challenged professional historians as well as archivists, librarians, archeologists, conservators, and curators to think hard about widening access and about ways of integrating local, national, and international perspectives when communicating with audiences about surviving traces of the past.

This Spring 2021 issue of Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques is about cultural heritages and their transmission, focusing on the period from the middle of the eighteenth century to the present. An important stimulus for the creation of the issue was the European Year of Cultural Heritage (EYCH) in 2018. There were four main themes for the EYCH: protection, engagement, sustainability, and innovation. National coordinators and local organizers of events and initiatives across the continent adopted the unifying slogan “Our Heritage. Where the past meets the future.” The articles brought together here serve as an invitation to readers to continue reflecting on subjects and questions that were at the heart of planning for and supporting public participation in EYCH 2018. The European Year of Cultural Heritage provided myriad opportunities to discover the roles played by individuals and groups in the preservation and valorization of natural sites and landscapes, public monuments, cultural institutions, artifacts, digital resources, and intangible cultural heritage. It highlighted educational initiatives to raise awareness of multiple, diverse cultural heritages within communities and to promote intercultural dialogue. It pushed governments and nongovernmental organizations to address matters of financial investment, legal accountability, partnership management, and the shaping of policies on conservation and ownership rights. It challenged professional historians as well as archivists, librarians, archeologists, conservators, and curators to think hard about widening access and about ways of integrating local, national, and international perspectives when communicating with audiences about surviving traces of the past.

Josiah Wedgwood, the Montgolfier family, and Samuel Bentham were leading producers during the early industrial era. A pottery manufacturer, a family of papermakers, and the Inspector-General of Britain's Naval Works, they all occupied the highest perch in their fields. This article considers the efforts by these eminent figures to control the exercise and reproduction of skill in their shops. It examines their attempts to build internal labor markets and blend carefully trained, home-grown hands with novel systems of work discipline and fresh technologies. In doing so, this article assesses the success and limits of the entrepreneurial trio's designs in the coming of mechanized production.

This Spring 2021 issue of Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques is about cultural heritages and their transmission, focusing on the period from the middle of the eighteenth century to the present. An important stimulus for the creation of the issue was the European Year of Cultural Heritage (EYCH) in 2018. There were four main themes for the EYCH: protection, engagement, sustainability, and innovation. National coordinators and local organizers of events and initiatives across the continent adopted the unifying slogan “Our Heritage. Where the past meets the future.” The articles brought together here serve as an invitation to readers to continue reflecting on subjects and questions that were at the heart of planning for and supporting public participation in EYCH 2018. The European Year of Cultural Heritage provided myriad opportunities to discover the roles played by individuals and groups in the preservation and valorization of natural sites and landscapes, public monuments, cultural institutions, artifacts, digital resources, and intangible cultural heritage. It highlighted educational initiatives to raise awareness of multiple, diverse cultural heritages within communities and to promote intercultural dialogue. It pushed governments and nongovernmental organizations to address matters of financial investment, legal accountability, partnership management, and the shaping of policies on conservation and ownership rights. It challenged professional historians as well as archivists, librarians, archeologists, conservators, and curators to think hard about widening access and about ways of integrating local, national, and international perspectives when communicating with audiences about surviving traces of the past.

Josiah Wedgwood, the Montgolfier family, and Samuel Bentham were leading producers during the early industrial era. A pottery manufacturer, a family of papermakers, and the Inspector-General of Britain's Naval Works, they all occupied the highest perch in their fields. This article considers the efforts by these eminent figures to control the exercise and reproduction of skill in their shops. It examines their attempts to build internal labor markets and blend carefully trained, home-grown hands with novel systems of work discipline and fresh technologies. In doing so, this article assesses the success and limits of the entrepreneurial trio's designs in the coming of mechanized production.

This article takes a history of emotions approach to Scottish illegitimacy in the context of imperial sojourning in the early nineteenth century. Using the archives of a lower-gentry family from Northeast Scotland, it examines the ways in which emotional regimes of the East India Company and Aberdeenshire gentry intersected with the sexual and domestic lives of native Indian women, Scottish farm servant women, and young Scottish bachelors in India. Children of these relationships, White and mixed-race, were the focus of these emotional regimes. The article shows that emotional regimes connected to illegitimacy are a way of looking at the Scottish history of empire.

This Spring 2021 issue of Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques is about cultural heritages and their transmission, focusing on the period from the middle of the eighteenth century to the present. An important stimulus for the creation of the issue was the European Year of Cultural Heritage (EYCH) in 2018. There were four main themes for the EYCH: protection, engagement, sustainability, and innovation. National coordinators and local organizers of events and initiatives across the continent adopted the unifying slogan “Our Heritage. Where the past meets the future.” The articles brought together here serve as an invitation to readers to continue reflecting on subjects and questions that were at the heart of planning for and supporting public participation in EYCH 2018. The European Year of Cultural Heritage provided myriad opportunities to discover the roles played by individuals and groups in the preservation and valorization of natural sites and landscapes, public monuments, cultural institutions, artifacts, digital resources, and intangible cultural heritage. It highlighted educational initiatives to raise awareness of multiple, diverse cultural heritages within communities and to promote intercultural dialogue. It pushed governments and nongovernmental organizations to address matters of financial investment, legal accountability, partnership management, and the shaping of policies on conservation and ownership rights. It challenged professional historians as well as archivists, librarians, archeologists, conservators, and curators to think hard about widening access and about ways of integrating local, national, and international perspectives when communicating with audiences about surviving traces of the past.

Josiah Wedgwood, the Montgolfier family, and Samuel Bentham were leading producers during the early industrial era. A pottery manufacturer, a family of papermakers, and the Inspector-General of Britain's Naval Works, they all occupied the highest perch in their fields. This article considers the efforts by these eminent figures to control the exercise and reproduction of skill in their shops. It examines their attempts to build internal labor markets and blend carefully trained, home-grown hands with novel systems of work discipline and fresh technologies. In doing so, this article assesses the success and limits of the entrepreneurial trio's designs in the coming of mechanized production.

This article takes a history of emotions approach to Scottish illegitimacy in the context of imperial sojourning in the early nineteenth century. Using the archives of a lower-gentry family from Northeast Scotland, it examines the ways in which emotional regimes of the East India Company and Aberdeenshire gentry intersected with the sexual and domestic lives of native Indian women, Scottish farm servant women, and young Scottish bachelors in India. Children of these relationships, White and mixed-race, were the focus of these emotional regimes. The article shows that emotional regimes connected to illegitimacy are a way of looking at the Scottish history of empire.

When a hymnbook is placed outside its more expected hymnological environment and put in a wider contextual framework, particularly a political one with significant diplomatic aspects, a better appreciation is gained of the hymnbook and the circumstances of its compilation. Critically, the complexity and progressive transparency of hymn transmission from one country to another is also revealed. This article focuses on Prussian diplomat Christian Karl Josias von Bunsen and his Gesang-und Gebetbuchs (1833). A primary source for several translators, notably Catherine Winkworth (1827–1878), the hymnbook directly affected the movement of many hymns from Germany to England, Scotland, and Australia.

This Spring 2021 issue of Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques is about cultural heritages and their transmission, focusing on the period from the middle of the eighteenth century to the present. An important stimulus for the creation of the issue was the European Year of Cultural Heritage (EYCH) in 2018. There were four main themes for the EYCH: protection, engagement, sustainability, and innovation. National coordinators and local organizers of events and initiatives across the continent adopted the unifying slogan “Our Heritage. Where the past meets the future.” The articles brought together here serve as an invitation to readers to continue reflecting on subjects and questions that were at the heart of planning for and supporting public participation in EYCH 2018. The European Year of Cultural Heritage provided myriad opportunities to discover the roles played by individuals and groups in the preservation and valorization of natural sites and landscapes, public monuments, cultural institutions, artifacts, digital resources, and intangible cultural heritage. It highlighted educational initiatives to raise awareness of multiple, diverse cultural heritages within communities and to promote intercultural dialogue. It pushed governments and nongovernmental organizations to address matters of financial investment, legal accountability, partnership management, and the shaping of policies on conservation and ownership rights. It challenged professional historians as well as archivists, librarians, archeologists, conservators, and curators to think hard about widening access and about ways of integrating local, national, and international perspectives when communicating with audiences about surviving traces of the past.

Josiah Wedgwood, the Montgolfier family, and Samuel Bentham were leading producers during the early industrial era. A pottery manufacturer, a family of papermakers, and the Inspector-General of Britain's Naval Works, they all occupied the highest perch in their fields. This article considers the efforts by these eminent figures to control the exercise and reproduction of skill in their shops. It examines their attempts to build internal labor markets and blend carefully trained, home-grown hands with novel systems of work discipline and fresh technologies. In doing so, this article assesses the success and limits of the entrepreneurial trio's designs in the coming of mechanized production.

This article takes a history of emotions approach to Scottish illegitimacy in the context of imperial sojourning in the early nineteenth century. Using the archives of a lower-gentry family from Northeast Scotland, it examines the ways in which emotional regimes of the East India Company and Aberdeenshire gentry intersected with the sexual and domestic lives of native Indian women, Scottish farm servant women, and young Scottish bachelors in India. Children of these relationships, White and mixed-race, were the focus of these emotional regimes. The article shows that emotional regimes connected to illegitimacy are a way of looking at the Scottish history of empire.

When a hymnbook is placed outside its more expected hymnological environment and put in a wider contextual framework, particularly a political one with significant diplomatic aspects, a better appreciation is gained of the hymnbook and the circumstances of its compilation. Critically, the complexity and progressive transparency of hymn transmission from one country to another is also revealed. This article focuses on Prussian diplomat Christian Karl Josias von Bunsen and his Gesang-und Gebetbuchs (1833). A primary source for several translators, notably Catherine Winkworth (1827–1878), the hymnbook directly affected the movement of many hymns from Germany to England, Scotland, and Australia.

In the wake of Italy's unification, the country's expansionist designs were aimed, as expected, toward the opposite shore of the Mediterranean. The barrage of developments that took place in this strategic area would shape the country's future alliances and colonial policies. The fear of French aggression on the coast of North Africa drove officials in Rome to the camp of the Central Powers, a diplomatic move of great importance for Europe's evolution prior to World War I. The disturbance of the Mediterranean balance of power, when France occupied Tunisia and Britain held Cyprus and Egypt, the inability to find a colony in proximity to Italy, and a series of diplomatic defeats led Roman officials to look to the Red Sea and to provoke war with the Ethiopian Empire.

This Spring 2021 issue of Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques is about cultural heritages and their transmission, focusing on the period from the middle of the eighteenth century to the present. An important stimulus for the creation of the issue was the European Year of Cultural Heritage (EYCH) in 2018. There were four main themes for the EYCH: protection, engagement, sustainability, and innovation. National coordinators and local organizers of events and initiatives across the continent adopted the unifying slogan “Our Heritage. Where the past meets the future.” The articles brought together here serve as an invitation to readers to continue reflecting on subjects and questions that were at the heart of planning for and supporting public participation in EYCH 2018. The European Year of Cultural Heritage provided myriad opportunities to discover the roles played by individuals and groups in the preservation and valorization of natural sites and landscapes, public monuments, cultural institutions, artifacts, digital resources, and intangible cultural heritage. It highlighted educational initiatives to raise awareness of multiple, diverse cultural heritages within communities and to promote intercultural dialogue. It pushed governments and nongovernmental organizations to address matters of financial investment, legal accountability, partnership management, and the shaping of policies on conservation and ownership rights. It challenged professional historians as well as archivists, librarians, archeologists, conservators, and curators to think hard about widening access and about ways of integrating local, national, and international perspectives when communicating with audiences about surviving traces of the past.

Josiah Wedgwood, the Montgolfier family, and Samuel Bentham were leading producers during the early industrial era. A pottery manufacturer, a family of papermakers, and the Inspector-General of Britain's Naval Works, they all occupied the highest perch in their fields. This article considers the efforts by these eminent figures to control the exercise and reproduction of skill in their shops. It examines their attempts to build internal labor markets and blend carefully trained, home-grown hands with novel systems of work discipline and fresh technologies. In doing so, this article assesses the success and limits of the entrepreneurial trio's designs in the coming of mechanized production.

This article takes a history of emotions approach to Scottish illegitimacy in the context of imperial sojourning in the early nineteenth century. Using the archives of a lower-gentry family from Northeast Scotland, it examines the ways in which emotional regimes of the East India Company and Aberdeenshire gentry intersected with the sexual and domestic lives of native Indian women, Scottish farm servant women, and young Scottish bachelors in India. Children of these relationships, White and mixed-race, were the focus of these emotional regimes. The article shows that emotional regimes connected to illegitimacy are a way of looking at the Scottish history of empire.

When a hymnbook is placed outside its more expected hymnological environment and put in a wider contextual framework, particularly a political one with significant diplomatic aspects, a better appreciation is gained of the hymnbook and the circumstances of its compilation. Critically, the complexity and progressive transparency of hymn transmission from one country to another is also revealed. This article focuses on Prussian diplomat Christian Karl Josias von Bunsen and his Gesang-und Gebetbuchs (1833). A primary source for several translators, notably Catherine Winkworth (1827–1878), the hymnbook directly affected the movement of many hymns from Germany to England, Scotland, and Australia.

In the wake of Italy's unification, the country's expansionist designs were aimed, as expected, toward the opposite shore of the Mediterranean. The barrage of developments that took place in this strategic area would shape the country's future alliances and colonial policies. The fear of French aggression on the coast of North Africa drove officials in Rome to the camp of the Central Powers, a diplomatic move of great importance for Europe's evolution prior to World War I. The disturbance of the Mediterranean balance of power, when France occupied Tunisia and Britain held Cyprus and Egypt, the inability to find a colony in proximity to Italy, and a series of diplomatic defeats led Roman officials to look to the Red Sea and to provoke war with the Ethiopian Empire.

How do we thoroughly historicize the voice, or integrate it into our historical research, and how do we account for the mundane daily practices of voice … the constant talking, humming, murmuring, whispering, and mumbling that went on offstage, in living rooms, debating clubs, business meetings, and on the streets? Work across the humanities has provided us with approaches to deal with aspects of voices, vocality, and their sounds. This article considers how we can mobilize and adapt such interdisciplinary methods for the study of history. It charts out a practical approach to attend to the history of voices—including unmusical ones—before recording, drawing on insights from the fields of sound studies, musicology, and performativity. It suggests ways to “listen anew” to familiar sources as well as less conventional source material. And it insists on a combination of analytical approaches focusing on vocabulary, bodily practice, and the questionable particularity of sound.

World War I has been studied extensively by historians of France and for good reason. Waging the first industrial war required mobilizing all of France's resources, whether military, political, economic, cultural, or imperial. Politicians from the left and the right joined forces to govern the country, priests and seminarians were drafted into the army, factories were retooled to produce armaments and other war material, and women and children were enlisted to do their part. So too were colonial subjects. More than 500,000 men from France's empire fought in Europe for the French Army, while another 200,000 colonial subjects labored in France's wartime workplaces. The human losses were staggering and the political, economic, and cultural reverberations long-lasting, both in the metropole and in the colonies. More than 1.3 million French soldiers and an estimated 71,000 colonial soldiers lost their lives, leaving behind approximately 1.1 million war orphans and 600,000 war widows.

World War I has been studied extensively by historians of France and for good reason. Waging the first industrial war required mobilizing all of France's resources, whether military, political, economic, cultural, or imperial. Politicians from the left and the right joined forces to govern the country, priests and seminarians were drafted into the army, factories were retooled to produce armaments and other war material, and women and children were enlisted to do their part. So too were colonial subjects. More than 500,000 men from France's empire fought in Europe for the French Army, while another 200,000 colonial subjects labored in France's wartime workplaces. The human losses were staggering and the political, economic, and cultural reverberations long-lasting, both in the metropole and in the colonies. More than 1.3 million French soldiers and an estimated 71,000 colonial soldiers lost their lives, leaving behind approximately 1.1 million war orphans and 600,000 war widows.

What does the French massacre of Amazigh people at El Herri in November 1914 reveal about broader patterns of colonial conquest? How do such patterns demonstrate the beliefs of French officers about the best way to conduct war at the beginning of World War I? Using extensive archival research, published primary sources, and Amazigh oral tradition, this article provides a narrative of the Battle of El Herri that analyzes the physical, sexual, and gendered violence that French troops exacted against Amazigh tribes. It argues that leading French military figures spun the “battle” to create a narrative that was racially inflected and self-serving. Led by Resident-General Lyautey, these leaders claimed that their philosophy of conquest was the only one that could result in successful war in Morocco, and by extension, Europe itself.

World War I has been studied extensively by historians of France and for good reason. Waging the first industrial war required mobilizing all of France's resources, whether military, political, economic, cultural, or imperial. Politicians from the left and the right joined forces to govern the country, priests and seminarians were drafted into the army, factories were retooled to produce armaments and other war material, and women and children were enlisted to do their part. So too were colonial subjects. More than 500,000 men from France's empire fought in Europe for the French Army, while another 200,000 colonial subjects labored in France's wartime workplaces. The human losses were staggering and the political, economic, and cultural reverberations long-lasting, both in the metropole and in the colonies. More than 1.3 million French soldiers and an estimated 71,000 colonial soldiers lost their lives, leaving behind approximately 1.1 million war orphans and 600,000 war widows.

What does the French massacre of Amazigh people at El Herri in November 1914 reveal about broader patterns of colonial conquest? How do such patterns demonstrate the beliefs of French officers about the best way to conduct war at the beginning of World War I? Using extensive archival research, published primary sources, and Amazigh oral tradition, this article provides a narrative of the Battle of El Herri that analyzes the physical, sexual, and gendered violence that French troops exacted against Amazigh tribes. It argues that leading French military figures spun the “battle” to create a narrative that was racially inflected and self-serving. Led by Resident-General Lyautey, these leaders claimed that their philosophy of conquest was the only one that could result in successful war in Morocco, and by extension, Europe itself.

In Tunisia, the end of World War I and the return of Muslims and European settlers from the front brought attacks against local Jews who had been exempt from conscription under French colonial rule. French commentators spoke of a “Jewish question” fueled by Muslim fanaticism and Jewish profiteering, obscuring their own divisive attitudes and policies. Colonial archives and the popular press, however, reveal that this was far from a monolithic sectarian concern. Jews responded to violence with a variety of transnational political visions. I explore how some Jews reaffirmed their loyalty to France, while others highlighted colonial hypocrisies. Others turned to solutions such as US protection or the Zionist movement. This Tunisian story, with its unique colonial arrangement and legal ambiguities, foregrounds an oft-overlooked North African perspective on the global questions of identity, nationalisms, and minority politics at the end of World War I.

World War I has been studied extensively by historians of France and for good reason. Waging the first industrial war required mobilizing all of France's resources, whether military, political, economic, cultural, or imperial. Politicians from the left and the right joined forces to govern the country, priests and seminarians were drafted into the army, factories were retooled to produce armaments and other war material, and women and children were enlisted to do their part. So too were colonial subjects. More than 500,000 men from France's empire fought in Europe for the French Army, while another 200,000 colonial subjects labored in France's wartime workplaces. The human losses were staggering and the political, economic, and cultural reverberations long-lasting, both in the metropole and in the colonies. More than 1.3 million French soldiers and an estimated 71,000 colonial soldiers lost their lives, leaving behind approximately 1.1 million war orphans and 600,000 war widows.

What does the French massacre of Amazigh people at El Herri in November 1914 reveal about broader patterns of colonial conquest? How do such patterns demonstrate the beliefs of French officers about the best way to conduct war at the beginning of World War I? Using extensive archival research, published primary sources, and Amazigh oral tradition, this article provides a narrative of the Battle of El Herri that analyzes the physical, sexual, and gendered violence that French troops exacted against Amazigh tribes. It argues that leading French military figures spun the “battle” to create a narrative that was racially inflected and self-serving. Led by Resident-General Lyautey, these leaders claimed that their philosophy of conquest was the only one that could result in successful war in Morocco, and by extension, Europe itself.

In Tunisia, the end of World War I and the return of Muslims and European settlers from the front brought attacks against local Jews who had been exempt from conscription under French colonial rule. French commentators spoke of a “Jewish question” fueled by Muslim fanaticism and Jewish profiteering, obscuring their own divisive attitudes and policies. Colonial archives and the popular press, however, reveal that this was far from a monolithic sectarian concern. Jews responded to violence with a variety of transnational political visions. I explore how some Jews reaffirmed their loyalty to France, while others highlighted colonial hypocrisies. Others turned to solutions such as US protection or the Zionist movement. This Tunisian story, with its unique colonial arrangement and legal ambiguities, foregrounds an oft-overlooked North African perspective on the global questions of identity, nationalisms, and minority politics at the end of World War I.

This article examines a previously unstudied collection of letters from French World War I orphans and widows, published in US newspapers from 1915 to 1922, as a result of the US humanitarian effort Fatherless Children of France (FCOF). Through the analysis of the letters’ content and style, the article illuminates the lived experience of bereaved lower-income French families, notably highlighting the significance of grief and the impact of paternal loss on economic status, bringing out new evidence on how women and children experienced the war, as well as showing how humanitarian efforts connected French and American civilians during the war period.

World War I has been studied extensively by historians of France and for good reason. Waging the first industrial war required mobilizing all of France's resources, whether military, political, economic, cultural, or imperial. Politicians from the left and the right joined forces to govern the country, priests and seminarians were drafted into the army, factories were retooled to produce armaments and other war material, and women and children were enlisted to do their part. So too were colonial subjects. More than 500,000 men from France's empire fought in Europe for the French Army, while another 200,000 colonial subjects labored in France's wartime workplaces. The human losses were staggering and the political, economic, and cultural reverberations long-lasting, both in the metropole and in the colonies. More than 1.3 million French soldiers and an estimated 71,000 colonial soldiers lost their lives, leaving behind approximately 1.1 million war orphans and 600,000 war widows.

What does the French massacre of Amazigh people at El Herri in November 1914 reveal about broader patterns of colonial conquest? How do such patterns demonstrate the beliefs of French officers about the best way to conduct war at the beginning of World War I? Using extensive archival research, published primary sources, and Amazigh oral tradition, this article provides a narrative of the Battle of El Herri that analyzes the physical, sexual, and gendered violence that French troops exacted against Amazigh tribes. It argues that leading French military figures spun the “battle” to create a narrative that was racially inflected and self-serving. Led by Resident-General Lyautey, these leaders claimed that their philosophy of conquest was the only one that could result in successful war in Morocco, and by extension, Europe itself.

In Tunisia, the end of World War I and the return of Muslims and European settlers from the front brought attacks against local Jews who had been exempt from conscription under French colonial rule. French commentators spoke of a “Jewish question” fueled by Muslim fanaticism and Jewish profiteering, obscuring their own divisive attitudes and policies. Colonial archives and the popular press, however, reveal that this was far from a monolithic sectarian concern. Jews responded to violence with a variety of transnational political visions. I explore how some Jews reaffirmed their loyalty to France, while others highlighted colonial hypocrisies. Others turned to solutions such as US protection or the Zionist movement. This Tunisian story, with its unique colonial arrangement and legal ambiguities, foregrounds an oft-overlooked North African perspective on the global questions of identity, nationalisms, and minority politics at the end of World War I.

This article examines a previously unstudied collection of letters from French World War I orphans and widows, published in US newspapers from 1915 to 1922, as a result of the US humanitarian effort Fatherless Children of France (FCOF). Through the analysis of the letters’ content and style, the article illuminates the lived experience of bereaved lower-income French families, notably highlighting the significance of grief and the impact of paternal loss on economic status, bringing out new evidence on how women and children experienced the war, as well as showing how humanitarian efforts connected French and American civilians during the war period.

The popularity of Ultramontanism and the political energy provided by Sacred Heart piety gave French Catholicism of the post-Commune era a militant posture, one that republican socialists saw as antagonistic to their political objectives. This article shows that socialists responded by emasculating their Catholic opponents. Drawing on the materialist tradition that emerged from the Enlightenment and Revolution, and highlighting the resignation and emotive nature of radical Catholic piety, republican socialists maintained that religious belief was evidence of inadequate virility. Speaking to the anxieties of the period, which included concerns about racial degeneration and the adequacy of France on the world stage, this gendering of epistemological convictions allowed socialists to argue for the exclusion of religion and the religious male from French politics.

World War I has been studied extensively by historians of France and for good reason. Waging the first industrial war required mobilizing all of France's resources, whether military, political, economic, cultural, or imperial. Politicians from the left and the right joined forces to govern the country, priests and seminarians were drafted into the army, factories were retooled to produce armaments and other war material, and women and children were enlisted to do their part. So too were colonial subjects. More than 500,000 men from France's empire fought in Europe for the French Army, while another 200,000 colonial subjects labored in France's wartime workplaces. The human losses were staggering and the political, economic, and cultural reverberations long-lasting, both in the metropole and in the colonies. More than 1.3 million French soldiers and an estimated 71,000 colonial soldiers lost their lives, leaving behind approximately 1.1 million war orphans and 600,000 war widows.

What does the French massacre of Amazigh people at El Herri in November 1914 reveal about broader patterns of colonial conquest? How do such patterns demonstrate the beliefs of French officers about the best way to conduct war at the beginning of World War I? Using extensive archival research, published primary sources, and Amazigh oral tradition, this article provides a narrative of the Battle of El Herri that analyzes the physical, sexual, and gendered violence that French troops exacted against Amazigh tribes. It argues that leading French military figures spun the “battle” to create a narrative that was racially inflected and self-serving. Led by Resident-General Lyautey, these leaders claimed that their philosophy of conquest was the only one that could result in successful war in Morocco, and by extension, Europe itself.

In Tunisia, the end of World War I and the return of Muslims and European settlers from the front brought attacks against local Jews who had been exempt from conscription under French colonial rule. French commentators spoke of a “Jewish question” fueled by Muslim fanaticism and Jewish profiteering, obscuring their own divisive attitudes and policies. Colonial archives and the popular press, however, reveal that this was far from a monolithic sectarian concern. Jews responded to violence with a variety of transnational political visions. I explore how some Jews reaffirmed their loyalty to France, while others highlighted colonial hypocrisies. Others turned to solutions such as US protection or the Zionist movement. This Tunisian story, with its unique colonial arrangement and legal ambiguities, foregrounds an oft-overlooked North African perspective on the global questions of identity, nationalisms, and minority politics at the end of World War I.

This article examines a previously unstudied collection of letters from French World War I orphans and widows, published in US newspapers from 1915 to 1922, as a result of the US humanitarian effort Fatherless Children of France (FCOF). Through the analysis of the letters’ content and style, the article illuminates the lived experience of bereaved lower-income French families, notably highlighting the significance of grief and the impact of paternal loss on economic status, bringing out new evidence on how women and children experienced the war, as well as showing how humanitarian efforts connected French and American civilians during the war period.

The popularity of Ultramontanism and the political energy provided by Sacred Heart piety gave French Catholicism of the post-Commune era a militant posture, one that republican socialists saw as antagonistic to their political objectives. This article shows that socialists responded by emasculating their Catholic opponents. Drawing on the materialist tradition that emerged from the Enlightenment and Revolution, and highlighting the resignation and emotive nature of radical Catholic piety, republican socialists maintained that religious belief was evidence of inadequate virility. Speaking to the anxieties of the period, which included concerns about racial degeneration and the adequacy of France on the world stage, this gendering of epistemological convictions allowed socialists to argue for the exclusion of religion and the religious male from French politics.

Studies of the visual culture of the Congo Free State (CFS) have focused overwhelmingly yet narrowly on the “atrocity” photograph used to criticize Leopold II's colonial misrule. This article presents a new picture of the visual culture of Leopold II's Congo Free State by examining a broader, more heterogeneous range of fin de siècle images of varied provenance that comprised the visual culture of the CFS. These include architecture, paintings, African artwork, and public monuments, many of which were positive, pro-Leopoldian images emphasizing a favorable view of colonialism. The visual culture of the CFS was imbued with recurring themes of violence, European heroism, and anti-Arab sentiment, and emerged from a unique, transnational, back-and-forth process whereby Leopold and his critics instrumentalized images to counter each other and achieve their goals.

Commenting on the colonial setting in its twilight during the Algerian War of Independence, Frantz Fanon famously observed: “Le travail du colon est de rendre impossible jusqu'aux rêves de liberté du colonisé. Le travail du colonisé est d'imaginer toutes les combinaisons éventuelles pour anéantir le colon (the task of the colonizer is to make impossible even the dreams of liberty of the colonized. The task of the colonized is to conceive of every possible strategy to wipe out the colonizer).”

Commenting on the colonial setting in its twilight during the Algerian War of Independence, Frantz Fanon famously observed: “Le travail du colon est de rendre impossible jusqu'aux rêves de liberté du colonisé. Le travail du colonisé est d'imaginer toutes les combinaisons éventuelles pour anéantir le colon (the task of the colonizer is to make impossible even the dreams of liberty of the colonized. The task of the colonized is to conceive of every possible strategy to wipe out the colonizer).”

This article focuses on fire management practices in Algeria during the colonial period. Focusing on environmental usages of fires in Algerian rural society, this article shows that these practices were submitted to varied and opposite interpretations resulting in significant and durable conflicts. These conflicts exploded under the French colonial forestry administration, which forcefully imposed new legislation to criminalize existing agricultural practices, including fires. Despite this ban, these practices continued. The administration interpreted this persistence as rebellion and responded with severe sanctions. This only aggravated the situation, resulting in a real war of attrition. On the one hand, this situation does not diverge from the rural violence typical of the nineteenth century. On the other, the responses of the administration in colonial Algeria represent specific digressions compared to the policies carried out in metropolitan areas.

Commenting on the colonial setting in its twilight during the Algerian War of Independence, Frantz Fanon famously observed: “Le travail du colon est de rendre impossible jusqu'aux rêves de liberté du colonisé. Le travail du colonisé est d'imaginer toutes les combinaisons éventuelles pour anéantir le colon (the task of the colonizer is to make impossible even the dreams of liberty of the colonized. The task of the colonized is to conceive of every possible strategy to wipe out the colonizer).”

This article focuses on fire management practices in Algeria during the colonial period. Focusing on environmental usages of fires in Algerian rural society, this article shows that these practices were submitted to varied and opposite interpretations resulting in significant and durable conflicts. These conflicts exploded under the French colonial forestry administration, which forcefully imposed new legislation to criminalize existing agricultural practices, including fires. Despite this ban, these practices continued. The administration interpreted this persistence as rebellion and responded with severe sanctions. This only aggravated the situation, resulting in a real war of attrition. On the one hand, this situation does not diverge from the rural violence typical of the nineteenth century. On the other, the responses of the administration in colonial Algeria represent specific digressions compared to the policies carried out in metropolitan areas.

This article explores the case of N'Guyen Van Binh, a South Vietnamese political prisoner exiled for his alleged role in “Poukhombo's Rebellion” in Cambodia in 1866. Although Van Binh's original sentence of exile was reduced to one year in prison he was nonetheless deported and disappeared into the maw of the colonial systems of indentured servitude and forced labor; he likely did not survive the experience. He was thus the victim of injustice and his case reveals the at best haphazard workings of the French colonial bureaucracy during the period of transition from the Second Empire to the Third Republic. While the documentary record is entirely from the perspective of the colonizers, reading between the lines we can also learn something about Van Binh himself including his fierce will to resist his colonial oppressors.

Commenting on the colonial setting in its twilight during the Algerian War of Independence, Frantz Fanon famously observed: “Le travail du colon est de rendre impossible jusqu'aux rêves de liberté du colonisé. Le travail du colonisé est d'imaginer toutes les combinaisons éventuelles pour anéantir le colon (the task of the colonizer is to make impossible even the dreams of liberty of the colonized. The task of the colonized is to conceive of every possible strategy to wipe out the colonizer).”

This article focuses on fire management practices in Algeria during the colonial period. Focusing on environmental usages of fires in Algerian rural society, this article shows that these practices were submitted to varied and opposite interpretations resulting in significant and durable conflicts. These conflicts exploded under the French colonial forestry administration, which forcefully imposed new legislation to criminalize existing agricultural practices, including fires. Despite this ban, these practices continued. The administration interpreted this persistence as rebellion and responded with severe sanctions. This only aggravated the situation, resulting in a real war of attrition. On the one hand, this situation does not diverge from the rural violence typical of the nineteenth century. On the other, the responses of the administration in colonial Algeria represent specific digressions compared to the policies carried out in metropolitan areas.

This article explores the case of N'Guyen Van Binh, a South Vietnamese political prisoner exiled for his alleged role in “Poukhombo's Rebellion” in Cambodia in 1866. Although Van Binh's original sentence of exile was reduced to one year in prison he was nonetheless deported and disappeared into the maw of the colonial systems of indentured servitude and forced labor; he likely did not survive the experience. He was thus the victim of injustice and his case reveals the at best haphazard workings of the French colonial bureaucracy during the period of transition from the Second Empire to the Third Republic. While the documentary record is entirely from the perspective of the colonizers, reading between the lines we can also learn something about Van Binh himself including his fierce will to resist his colonial oppressors.

Three cases of re-opened murder investigations in French West Africa are at the heart of this article. My aim is to examine these cases as a lens into everyday colonial policing that was not directly linked to major anti-colonial protests. All three inquiries into low-ranking colonial officers and the way they conducted their investigations took place during the 1930s, in Mauritania, Senegal, and Dahomey. While their circumstances were different, the cases reflect the flawed and unprofessional character of colonial investigations. They also demonstrate that murder investigations—as well as criticism of them—were powered by two crucial French colonial notions: the maintenance of public order and the ideology of the civilizing mission.

Commenting on the colonial setting in its twilight during the Algerian War of Independence, Frantz Fanon famously observed: “Le travail du colon est de rendre impossible jusqu'aux rêves de liberté du colonisé. Le travail du colonisé est d'imaginer toutes les combinaisons éventuelles pour anéantir le colon (the task of the colonizer is to make impossible even the dreams of liberty of the colonized. The task of the colonized is to conceive of every possible strategy to wipe out the colonizer).”

This article focuses on fire management practices in Algeria during the colonial period. Focusing on environmental usages of fires in Algerian rural society, this article shows that these practices were submitted to varied and opposite interpretations resulting in significant and durable conflicts. These conflicts exploded under the French colonial forestry administration, which forcefully imposed new legislation to criminalize existing agricultural practices, including fires. Despite this ban, these practices continued. The administration interpreted this persistence as rebellion and responded with severe sanctions. This only aggravated the situation, resulting in a real war of attrition. On the one hand, this situation does not diverge from the rural violence typical of the nineteenth century. On the other, the responses of the administration in colonial Algeria represent specific digressions compared to the policies carried out in metropolitan areas.

This article explores the case of N'Guyen Van Binh, a South Vietnamese political prisoner exiled for his alleged role in “Poukhombo's Rebellion” in Cambodia in 1866. Although Van Binh's original sentence of exile was reduced to one year in prison he was nonetheless deported and disappeared into the maw of the colonial systems of indentured servitude and forced labor; he likely did not survive the experience. He was thus the victim of injustice and his case reveals the at best haphazard workings of the French colonial bureaucracy during the period of transition from the Second Empire to the Third Republic. While the documentary record is entirely from the perspective of the colonizers, reading between the lines we can also learn something about Van Binh himself including his fierce will to resist his colonial oppressors.

Three cases of re-opened murder investigations in French West Africa are at the heart of this article. My aim is to examine these cases as a lens into everyday colonial policing that was not directly linked to major anti-colonial protests. All three inquiries into low-ranking colonial officers and the way they conducted their investigations took place during the 1930s, in Mauritania, Senegal, and Dahomey. While their circumstances were different, the cases reflect the flawed and unprofessional character of colonial investigations. They also demonstrate that murder investigations—as well as criticism of them—were powered by two crucial French colonial notions: the maintenance of public order and the ideology of the civilizing mission.

Cet article se propose d'étudier à l'aune du concept de « commandement » et des notions de « pacification » et de résistance, l'insurrection des populations de la Haute-Sangha et, plus particulièrement, des Bayas du territoire colonial de l'Oubangui-Chari entre 1928 et 1931. La révolte est imputable aux nombreuses contraintes induites par l'encadrement administratif et la « mise en valeur » économique coloniale de l'Afrique Équatoriale Française (AEF). La dissidence est alors centrée autour d'un messianisme incarné par Karinou dont l'objectif ultime est le recouvrement de l'ordre précolonial. D'où la mobilisation d'une variété de modes de résistance vis-à-vis du colonisateur. Or, la détermination de l'État colonial à rétablir l'ordre l'amène à user de la violence armée et de la répression judiciaire afin de venir à bout de l'insurrection.

Commenting on the colonial setting in its twilight during the Algerian War of Independence, Frantz Fanon famously observed: “Le travail du colon est de rendre impossible jusqu'aux rêves de liberté du colonisé. Le travail du colonisé est d'imaginer toutes les combinaisons éventuelles pour anéantir le colon (the task of the colonizer is to make impossible even the dreams of liberty of the colonized. The task of the colonized is to conceive of every possible strategy to wipe out the colonizer).”

This article focuses on fire management practices in Algeria during the colonial period. Focusing on environmental usages of fires in Algerian rural society, this article shows that these practices were submitted to varied and opposite interpretations resulting in significant and durable conflicts. These conflicts exploded under the French colonial forestry administration, which forcefully imposed new legislation to criminalize existing agricultural practices, including fires. Despite this ban, these practices continued. The administration interpreted this persistence as rebellion and responded with severe sanctions. This only aggravated the situation, resulting in a real war of attrition. On the one hand, this situation does not diverge from the rural violence typical of the nineteenth century. On the other, the responses of the administration in colonial Algeria represent specific digressions compared to the policies carried out in metropolitan areas.

This article explores the case of N'Guyen Van Binh, a South Vietnamese political prisoner exiled for his alleged role in “Poukhombo's Rebellion” in Cambodia in 1866. Although Van Binh's original sentence of exile was reduced to one year in prison he was nonetheless deported and disappeared into the maw of the colonial systems of indentured servitude and forced labor; he likely did not survive the experience. He was thus the victim of injustice and his case reveals the at best haphazard workings of the French colonial bureaucracy during the period of transition from the Second Empire to the Third Republic. While the documentary record is entirely from the perspective of the colonizers, reading between the lines we can also learn something about Van Binh himself including his fierce will to resist his colonial oppressors.

Three cases of re-opened murder investigations in French West Africa are at the heart of this article. My aim is to examine these cases as a lens into everyday colonial policing that was not directly linked to major anti-colonial protests. All three inquiries into low-ranking colonial officers and the way they conducted their investigations took place during the 1930s, in Mauritania, Senegal, and Dahomey. While their circumstances were different, the cases reflect the flawed and unprofessional character of colonial investigations. They also demonstrate that murder investigations—as well as criticism of them—were powered by two crucial French colonial notions: the maintenance of public order and the ideology of the civilizing mission.

Cet article se propose d'étudier à l'aune du concept de « commandement » et des notions de « pacification » et de résistance, l'insurrection des populations de la Haute-Sangha et, plus particulièrement, des Bayas du territoire colonial de l'Oubangui-Chari entre 1928 et 1931. La révolte est imputable aux nombreuses contraintes induites par l'encadrement administratif et la « mise en valeur » économique coloniale de l'Afrique Équatoriale Française (AEF). La dissidence est alors centrée autour d'un messianisme incarné par Karinou dont l'objectif ultime est le recouvrement de l'ordre précolonial. D'où la mobilisation d'une variété de modes de résistance vis-à-vis du colonisateur. Or, la détermination de l'État colonial à rétablir l'ordre l'amène à user de la violence armée et de la répression judiciaire afin de venir à bout de l'insurrection.

Following World War II, French police surveillance in Algeria increasingly focused on the threat of Algerian nationalism and policing theater proved no exception. The police assiduously investigated the contents of plays and the background of performers, seeking to determine whether a performance could be considered “purely artistic.” In cracking down on theater, the police attempted to produce “pro-French” art that could influence Algerian loyalties, a cultural civilizing mission carried out by the unlikely figure of the beat cop. Ultimately, their mission failed. Live performances presented an opportunity for spontaneity and improvisation that revealed the weakness of colonial policing. In this article, I argue that in trying to separate art from politics, the police created an impossibly capacious idea of the political, giving officers justification for inserting themselves into intimate moments of daily life. The personal, the interpersonal, and the artistic became a realm of police intervention.

Commenting on the colonial setting in its twilight during the Algerian War of Independence, Frantz Fanon famously observed: “Le travail du colon est de rendre impossible jusqu'aux rêves de liberté du colonisé. Le travail du colonisé est d'imaginer toutes les combinaisons éventuelles pour anéantir le colon (the task of the colonizer is to make impossible even the dreams of liberty of the colonized. The task of the colonized is to conceive of every possible strategy to wipe out the colonizer).”

This article focuses on fire management practices in Algeria during the colonial period. Focusing on environmental usages of fires in Algerian rural society, this article shows that these practices were submitted to varied and opposite interpretations resulting in significant and durable conflicts. These conflicts exploded under the French colonial forestry administration, which forcefully imposed new legislation to criminalize existing agricultural practices, including fires. Despite this ban, these practices continued. The administration interpreted this persistence as rebellion and responded with severe sanctions. This only aggravated the situation, resulting in a real war of attrition. On the one hand, this situation does not diverge from the rural violence typical of the nineteenth century. On the other, the responses of the administration in colonial Algeria represent specific digressions compared to the policies carried out in metropolitan areas.

This article explores the case of N'Guyen Van Binh, a South Vietnamese political prisoner exiled for his alleged role in “Poukhombo's Rebellion” in Cambodia in 1866. Although Van Binh's original sentence of exile was reduced to one year in prison he was nonetheless deported and disappeared into the maw of the colonial systems of indentured servitude and forced labor; he likely did not survive the experience. He was thus the victim of injustice and his case reveals the at best haphazard workings of the French colonial bureaucracy during the period of transition from the Second Empire to the Third Republic. While the documentary record is entirely from the perspective of the colonizers, reading between the lines we can also learn something about Van Binh himself including his fierce will to resist his colonial oppressors.

Three cases of re-opened murder investigations in French West Africa are at the heart of this article. My aim is to examine these cases as a lens into everyday colonial policing that was not directly linked to major anti-colonial protests. All three inquiries into low-ranking colonial officers and the way they conducted their investigations took place during the 1930s, in Mauritania, Senegal, and Dahomey. While their circumstances were different, the cases reflect the flawed and unprofessional character of colonial investigations. They also demonstrate that murder investigations—as well as criticism of them—were powered by two crucial French colonial notions: the maintenance of public order and the ideology of the civilizing mission.

Cet article se propose d'étudier à l'aune du concept de « commandement » et des notions de « pacification » et de résistance, l'insurrection des populations de la Haute-Sangha et, plus particulièrement, des Bayas du territoire colonial de l'Oubangui-Chari entre 1928 et 1931. La révolte est imputable aux nombreuses contraintes induites par l'encadrement administratif et la « mise en valeur » économique coloniale de l'Afrique Équatoriale Française (AEF). La dissidence est alors centrée autour d'un messianisme incarné par Karinou dont l'objectif ultime est le recouvrement de l'ordre précolonial. D'où la mobilisation d'une variété de modes de résistance vis-à-vis du colonisateur. Or, la détermination de l'État colonial à rétablir l'ordre l'amène à user de la violence armée et de la répression judiciaire afin de venir à bout de l'insurrection.

Following World War II, French police surveillance in Algeria increasingly focused on the threat of Algerian nationalism and policing theater proved no exception. The police assiduously investigated the contents of plays and the background of performers, seeking to determine whether a performance could be considered “purely artistic.” In cracking down on theater, the police attempted to produce “pro-French” art that could influence Algerian loyalties, a cultural civilizing mission carried out by the unlikely figure of the beat cop. Ultimately, their mission failed. Live performances presented an opportunity for spontaneity and improvisation that revealed the weakness of colonial policing. In this article, I argue that in trying to separate art from politics, the police created an impossibly capacious idea of the political, giving officers justification for inserting themselves into intimate moments of daily life. The personal, the interpersonal, and the artistic became a realm of police intervention.

In 1958, a search of the Barberousse Prison in Algiers led to the confiscation of the journal, notes, and correspondence of Baya Hocine, a 17-year-old female detainee who had been sentenced to death for an attack. Written in the intimate style of a personal diary, Hocine's papers are a valuable source for the historiography of prisons during the Algerian War of Independence (1954–1962). The purpose of this article is to reconstruct the trajectory from prison to the French Archives, where they appear in typed form, as well as to shed light on the circumstances under which they were written. While they may be insufficient to reconstitute the actual conditions of life in the prison because they communicate private thoughts, they highlight the radical specificity of Barberousse in these wartime years as a place where people who had been sentenced to death were detained and executed and where death was omnipresent.

The introduction situates the historiography on queer intergenerational sex in the realm of scholarship on queer history, the history of childhood, and the literature on the significance of chronological age. It lays out three broad schemas that have organized queer intergenerational sex—looking at it as a phallic economy where boys submitted to older men in ways that were akin to women; as a function of pederastic or pedophilic desires; and as abuse—and also explores the overlap and permutations among these categories. It then introduces the six articles in this forum, elucidating their central arguments and the contributions that they make to this dynamic field.

The introduction situates the historiography on queer intergenerational sex in the realm of scholarship on queer history, the history of childhood, and the literature on the significance of chronological age. It lays out three broad schemas that have organized queer intergenerational sex—looking at it as a phallic economy where boys submitted to older men in ways that were akin to women; as a function of pederastic or pedophilic desires; and as abuse—and also explores the overlap and permutations among these categories. It then introduces the six articles in this forum, elucidating their central arguments and the contributions that they make to this dynamic field.

This article analyzes the influence of confessional manuals on Catholic priests who solicited sexual favors from parishioners during confession throughout colonial New Spain. It proposes that we think about centuries of sexual encounters between priests and parishioners through the concept of cross-generational abuse, which describes intersecting forms of priestly exploitation based on chronological age differentials, allegorical power relations based on the rhetoric of spiritual kinship, and priests’ own abilities to profess redemption years after conviction and thereby regain positions of authority over parishioners. The plurality of these forms of abuse move beyond the usual associations of cross-generational sex solely with the question of age. It opens up the category of cross-generational sex and enlarges its potential to be a topic for historical reflection.

The introduction situates the historiography on queer intergenerational sex in the realm of scholarship on queer history, the history of childhood, and the literature on the significance of chronological age. It lays out three broad schemas that have organized queer intergenerational sex—looking at it as a phallic economy where boys submitted to older men in ways that were akin to women; as a function of pederastic or pedophilic desires; and as abuse—and also explores the overlap and permutations among these categories. It then introduces the six articles in this forum, elucidating their central arguments and the contributions that they make to this dynamic field.

This article analyzes the influence of confessional manuals on Catholic priests who solicited sexual favors from parishioners during confession throughout colonial New Spain. It proposes that we think about centuries of sexual encounters between priests and parishioners through the concept of cross-generational abuse, which describes intersecting forms of priestly exploitation based on chronological age differentials, allegorical power relations based on the rhetoric of spiritual kinship, and priests’ own abilities to profess redemption years after conviction and thereby regain positions of authority over parishioners. The plurality of these forms of abuse move beyond the usual associations of cross-generational sex solely with the question of age. It opens up the category of cross-generational sex and enlarges its potential to be a topic for historical reflection.

This article explores the condemnation of male–male cross-generational sexual practices in the Ottoman Empire during World War I (1914–1918) through a sexual harassment case that took place in an orphanage in Konya. Relying on the police registers and incorporating individual testimonies of orphan boys who were sexually abused by the headmaster, Münir Bey, I explore the wartime political and sexological discourses on cross-generational homoerotic sexual practices against the backdrop of the institutionalization of heterosexual sex. I argue that, rather than the act of sexual abuse itself, in the wartime ideological climate it was the sexual interaction between same-sex individuals that alarmed Ottoman state and society and forced them to take action against it. Male–male cross-generational sex and homoeroticism itself became bigger crimes than the act of sexually abusing underage individuals.

The introduction situates the historiography on queer intergenerational sex in the realm of scholarship on queer history, the history of childhood, and the literature on the significance of chronological age. It lays out three broad schemas that have organized queer intergenerational sex—looking at it as a phallic economy where boys submitted to older men in ways that were akin to women; as a function of pederastic or pedophilic desires; and as abuse—and also explores the overlap and permutations among these categories. It then introduces the six articles in this forum, elucidating their central arguments and the contributions that they make to this dynamic field.

This article analyzes the influence of confessional manuals on Catholic priests who solicited sexual favors from parishioners during confession throughout colonial New Spain. It proposes that we think about centuries of sexual encounters between priests and parishioners through the concept of cross-generational abuse, which describes intersecting forms of priestly exploitation based on chronological age differentials, allegorical power relations based on the rhetoric of spiritual kinship, and priests’ own abilities to profess redemption years after conviction and thereby regain positions of authority over parishioners. The plurality of these forms of abuse move beyond the usual associations of cross-generational sex solely with the question of age. It opens up the category of cross-generational sex and enlarges its potential to be a topic for historical reflection.

This article explores the condemnation of male–male cross-generational sexual practices in the Ottoman Empire during World War I (1914–1918) through a sexual harassment case that took place in an orphanage in Konya. Relying on the police registers and incorporating individual testimonies of orphan boys who were sexually abused by the headmaster, Münir Bey, I explore the wartime political and sexological discourses on cross-generational homoerotic sexual practices against the backdrop of the institutionalization of heterosexual sex. I argue that, rather than the act of sexual abuse itself, in the wartime ideological climate it was the sexual interaction between same-sex individuals that alarmed Ottoman state and society and forced them to take action against it. Male–male cross-generational sex and homoeroticism itself became bigger crimes than the act of sexually abusing underage individuals.

Intergenerational sex between children or youth and adults was historically common, but it is understudied within the historiography of sexuality. There are three reasons that historians of sexuality should pay greater attention to intergenerational sex. First, it was common; second, discourse around intergenerational sex has been a critical site for the production of power; and third, studying intergenerational sex illuminates how sexuality is historically constructed. However, studying intergenerational sex also raises thorny methodological problems around definitions of childhood and consent, the treatment of children's agency, and how to contextualize a practice that was once considered ordinary but is now taboo. Using examples from my research on the writer and notorious pederast Norman Douglas, I address each of these methodological concerns and suggest productive approaches.

The introduction situates the historiography on queer intergenerational sex in the realm of scholarship on queer history, the history of childhood, and the literature on the significance of chronological age. It lays out three broad schemas that have organized queer intergenerational sex—looking at it as a phallic economy where boys submitted to older men in ways that were akin to women; as a function of pederastic or pedophilic desires; and as abuse—and also explores the overlap and permutations among these categories. It then introduces the six articles in this forum, elucidating their central arguments and the contributions that they make to this dynamic field.

This article analyzes the influence of confessional manuals on Catholic priests who solicited sexual favors from parishioners during confession throughout colonial New Spain. It proposes that we think about centuries of sexual encounters between priests and parishioners through the concept of cross-generational abuse, which describes intersecting forms of priestly exploitation based on chronological age differentials, allegorical power relations based on the rhetoric of spiritual kinship, and priests’ own abilities to profess redemption years after conviction and thereby regain positions of authority over parishioners. The plurality of these forms of abuse move beyond the usual associations of cross-generational sex solely with the question of age. It opens up the category of cross-generational sex and enlarges its potential to be a topic for historical reflection.

This article explores the condemnation of male–male cross-generational sexual practices in the Ottoman Empire during World War I (1914–1918) through a sexual harassment case that took place in an orphanage in Konya. Relying on the police registers and incorporating individual testimonies of orphan boys who were sexually abused by the headmaster, Münir Bey, I explore the wartime political and sexological discourses on cross-generational homoerotic sexual practices against the backdrop of the institutionalization of heterosexual sex. I argue that, rather than the act of sexual abuse itself, in the wartime ideological climate it was the sexual interaction between same-sex individuals that alarmed Ottoman state and society and forced them to take action against it. Male–male cross-generational sex and homoeroticism itself became bigger crimes than the act of sexually abusing underage individuals.

Intergenerational sex between children or youth and adults was historically common, but it is understudied within the historiography of sexuality. There are three reasons that historians of sexuality should pay greater attention to intergenerational sex. First, it was common; second, discourse around intergenerational sex has been a critical site for the production of power; and third, studying intergenerational sex illuminates how sexuality is historically constructed. However, studying intergenerational sex also raises thorny methodological problems around definitions of childhood and consent, the treatment of children's agency, and how to contextualize a practice that was once considered ordinary but is now taboo. Using examples from my research on the writer and notorious pederast Norman Douglas, I address each of these methodological concerns and suggest productive approaches.

This article, showing how ubiquitous male youth prostitution was in 1950s Italy, exposes the pederastic and (homo)sexual vivacity of this decade. Moreover, this article also suggests that even if police, the media, and medical institutions were trying to crystallize a rigid chasm between homo- and heterosexuality, there were still forces in Italian society that resisted such strict categorization. The young hustlers described by contemporary observers bear witness to the sexual flexibility of the 1950s in Italy. These youths inhabited queer spaces lacking a clear-cut hetero–homo divide, spaces where “modern” sexological categories and identities had not yet entered. Prior to the mass circulation of rigid sexual labels, it was still possible for many Italian boys, youths, and young men to dwell in liminal queer spaces. The exchange of money purified their acts, guaranteed their maleness, and effaced potential stigmatization.

The introduction situates the historiography on queer intergenerational sex in the realm of scholarship on queer history, the history of childhood, and the literature on the significance of chronological age. It lays out three broad schemas that have organized queer intergenerational sex—looking at it as a phallic economy where boys submitted to older men in ways that were akin to women; as a function of pederastic or pedophilic desires; and as abuse—and also explores the overlap and permutations among these categories. It then introduces the six articles in this forum, elucidating their central arguments and the contributions that they make to this dynamic field.

This article analyzes the influence of confessional manuals on Catholic priests who solicited sexual favors from parishioners during confession throughout colonial New Spain. It proposes that we think about centuries of sexual encounters between priests and parishioners through the concept of cross-generational abuse, which describes intersecting forms of priestly exploitation based on chronological age differentials, allegorical power relations based on the rhetoric of spiritual kinship, and priests’ own abilities to profess redemption years after conviction and thereby regain positions of authority over parishioners. The plurality of these forms of abuse move beyond the usual associations of cross-generational sex solely with the question of age. It opens up the category of cross-generational sex and enlarges its potential to be a topic for historical reflection.

This article explores the condemnation of male–male cross-generational sexual practices in the Ottoman Empire during World War I (1914–1918) through a sexual harassment case that took place in an orphanage in Konya. Relying on the police registers and incorporating individual testimonies of orphan boys who were sexually abused by the headmaster, Münir Bey, I explore the wartime political and sexological discourses on cross-generational homoerotic sexual practices against the backdrop of the institutionalization of heterosexual sex. I argue that, rather than the act of sexual abuse itself, in the wartime ideological climate it was the sexual interaction between same-sex individuals that alarmed Ottoman state and society and forced them to take action against it. Male–male cross-generational sex and homoeroticism itself became bigger crimes than the act of sexually abusing underage individuals.